Michele Jan Keller Pontinen. CAPUS MILLER WAYNICK: NEW DEAL
ADMINISTRATOR AND POLITICIAN. (Under the direction of Henry
C. Ferrell, Jr.). Department of History, March 1987.
The purpose of this study is two fold. First, to portray
Capus Miller Waynick, a New Deal administrator, by examining
the North Carolina branch of the National Reemployment Service,
the agency in which he served, and secondly to examine
Waynick's political career during the Depression decade.
The paper begins with a brief personal history of Waynick
prior to 1931 when he first entered North Carolina politics.
His experienced gained in the North Carolina General Assembly
in 1931, as a Representative from Guilford County, and in 1933 as
Senator from District 17 strengthened and extended his bonds
with North Carolina's political elite. Contacts, friends.
newspaper connections, and associations placed Waynick in
contention for the position of North Carolina Director of the
National Reemployment Service. This agency, created within the
Department of Labor and under the auspices of the United
States Employment Service, aided in fulfilling the National
Industrial Recovery Act, Title II, passed by Congress in 1933.
Charged with the responsibility of securing jobs for
North Carolina's unemployed on private as well as government
sponsored projects, Waynick carried through on federal
direct ives. Waynick's position within the National
Reemployment Service is carefully examined in terms of how he
adjusted his service to meet the changing directives from
Washington as well as pressures and complaints from the state
and local level.
After resigning his position with the National
Reemployment Service, Waynick continued in politics at the
state level with the Ehringhaus Administration as Chairman of
the State Highway and Public Works Commission. As chairman of
the powerful and political highway department, Waynick's tenure
encompassed a period wherein the state participated in the
building of the Blue Ridge Parkway, maintained an extensive
highway system, expended funds for multiple road and bridge
projects, and continued to improve the antiquated prison
system. Proving himself to be more of a newspaperman than a
politician, his neutral position in the gubernatorial elections
of 1936 terminated his chairmanship of the department with the
incoming Hoey Administration in 1937.
This study concludes with an evaluation of Waynick's
career as a politician and New Deal Administrator. Alt hough
perhaps too much of a newspaperman to remain within North
Carolina's circle of political elite, Waynick retained enough
political ability and clout to return to the political arena in
the 1940s.
CAPCJS MILLER WAYNICK: NEW DEAL ADMINISTRATOR
AND POLITICIAN
A Thesis
Presented to
the Faculty of the Department of History
East Carolina University
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts in History
by
Michele Jan Keller Pontinen
March 1987
(
f
CAPUS MILLER WAYNICK; NEW DEAL ADMINISTRATOR
1
; AND POLITICIAN
J I
by
Michele Jan Keller Pontinen
APPROVED BY:
DIRECTOR OF THESIS
Henry C.^Ferrell, Jr.
CHAIRMAN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
Oames H. Wease
DEAN OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
/ Joseph G.'^^ye11e
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to extend my gratitude to Professor Henry C.
Ferrell, Jr., for his tenacious guidance and his invaluable
suggestions in the supervision of this thesis. My gratitude is
also extended to Professors James H. Wease, Fred D. Ragan, and
Lawrence E. Hough for their comments and suggestions. I am
also indebted to Mr. Donald R. Lennon and the East Carolina
Manuscript Department both for their help in selection this topic
and their assistance in my research. Personal thanks is
extended to Professors Mary Jo Bratton, Walter Calhoun, Mrs.
John Lautares and Ms. Jane Moore for their support during this
ende avor. Last, but of course not least, a special thanks to
my family for their financial as well as their moral support.
and to my daughter Kaiya Anne whose faith and understanding enabled
me to complete such an arduous task.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF TABLES V
CHAPTER
I. PRELUDE TO POLITICS 1
II. A POLITICAL ENLIGHTENMENT 20
III. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT
SERVICE 64
IV. NEW DEAL ADMINISTRATOR 85
V. POLITICAL ROADS 111
VI. AN AVAILABLE MAN 129
APPENDIX
I . NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES, ESTABLISHED
IN NORTH CAROLINA AS OF DECEMBER 1, 1933 . . 135
11. FEDERAL HIGHWAY FUNDS APPROPRIATED
JUNE 1933 150
III. FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION
APPROVED MONTHLY OPERATING BUDGETS FOR
NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT OFFICES AUGUST 1933 . . . 152
IV. FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION
STATISTICS: RELIEF FAMILIES ELIGIBLE FOR
EMPLOYMENT WITH THE NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT
SERVICE OCTOBER 1933 154
V. NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT SERVICE RELIEF
STATISTICS - OCTOBER 1933 156
VI. NORTH CAROLINA NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT CLERICAL
COSTS PAID BY THE CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION AND
THE FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION:
1933 1935 158
VII . FEDERAL ALLOTMENT BY COUNTY FOR CIVIL WORKS
ADMINISTRATION PROJECTS IN NORTH CAROLINA .... 161
VIII . AVERAGE HOURLY WAGE ON FEDERAL/STATE HIGHWAY
PROJECTS BY STATES BUREAU OF PUBLIC ROADS /
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 1933 164
IX. ZONE WAGES UNDER THE NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL
RECOVERY ACT, SECTION 204c 166
X. PROJECT WAGE SCALE WOMEN'S DIVISION.
STATE EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION AND
CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION: DECEMBER 1, 1933
THROUGH MARCH 31, 1934 . , 16 8
XI. FEDERAL CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION: NUMBER OF
PERSONS WORKING AND AMOUNT OF EARNINGS: END OF
C.W.A. FUNDED PROJECTS MARCH 29, 1934 169
XII . FEDERAL CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION: NATIONAL
REEMPLOYMENT OFFICES AND AMOUNT OF WEEKLY EARNINGS
PER STATE ENDING C.W.A. PROJECTS 171
XIII. DURATION OF PLACEMENTS MADE BY THE NATIONAL
REEMPLOYMENT SERVICE AND STATE EMPLOYMENT SERVICES:
JULY 1 , 19 3 3 TO JUNE 3 0, 1934 BY MONTHS 173
XIV. PLACEMENTS IN PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT: JULY 1, 1933
TO JUNE 30, 1934 BY THE NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT
SERVICE AND BY STATE EMPLOYMENT OFFICES: BY
INDUSTRIAL GROUPS 174
XV. NORTH CAROLINA STATE HIGHWAY DEPARTMENT:
EXPENDITURES FOR ROADWAY PROJECTS FROM
JANUARY 1, 1933 UP TO AND INCLUDING THE
LETTING OF DECEMBER 29, 1936 175
BIBLIOGRAPHY 178
CHAPTER I
PRELUDE TO POLITICS
The Great Depression affected North Carolina as it did
most states in the Union. The universal problems of hunger,
poverty, general privation and social unrest attended the
period. By 1933, economic conditions appeared at their worst
in North Carolina. Agriculture suffered along with industry and
trade, and bank failures multiplied. Delinquent tax and
mortgage payments caused many citizens to lose their property.
and in January forty counties and one hundred and twenty-five
municipalities in the state defaulted on bond payments.^ By
1940, North Carolina emerged from this milieu well on the road
to recovery. The social and economic reforms of the New Deal
enabled the state to begin to deal effectively with the
problems of labor, business, farmers, unemployment and the
state's financial crisis. Depression politics, however.
required interaction between New Deal federal policies and
state and local practices. One North Carolinian, Capus Miller
Waynick, participated prominently in such interaction.
For well over thirty years Capus Waynick involved himself
in state and national politics. Politically active during the
1930's, a member of the North Carolina House and Senate, he
directed the North Carolina National Reemployment Service
^Hugh T. Lefler and Albert R. Newsome, The History of a
Southern State North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1984), 611.
2
(under the United States Department of Labor), and chaired the
North Carolina Highway and Public Works Commission. In 1948,
Waynick managed Kerr Scott's gubernatorial campaign and
received an appointment from President Truman as Ambassador to
Nicaragua and then to Colombia. In 1950, the President named
Waynick Director of Point IV Plan.
Born in Rockingham County, North Carolina December 23,
1889, Waynick was the second son of Joshua James and Anna Moore
Waynick, both of strong Presbyterian stock, whose family had
farmed land in that region for several generations. The Waynick
homestead, of average size, made a little money growing tobacco
marketed in Reidsville, Danville, and Winston-Salem. As farm
profits frequently did not meet family expenses, Joshua Waynick
supplemented their income by building bridges and roads for the
county. Farm life in particular and Rockingham County in
general left rich memories for the child. The old "Iron
Works," an abandoned smelting factory on nearby Troublesome
Creek, provided a favorite secret place for young Waynick.
Legend held Lord Cornwallis and General Nathanael Greene once
skirmished nearby, and George Washington supposedly lunched at
n
Capus Miller Waynick, type script,"Memoir Typescript:
Some Things I Remember," (1962?), I, 11, Capus Miller Waynick Papers,
East Carolina Manuscript Collection, J.Y Joyner Library, East
Carolina University, Greenville; U.S. Bureau of the Census.
Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900; Population,
Rockingham and Rowan Counties, North Carolina, 223. The
Waynick's owned 150 acres of land in Reidsville Township,
Rockingham County, North Carolina. The average size farm for
the state of North Carolina in 1890 was 127 acres. No
data on average farm size are available in the 189 0 or
1900 census by individual counties.
3
the factory in 1791.^ The land, however rich in legend, proved
poor in purse, and in 1 90 3 Joshua Waynick sold out and moved
his family to Greensboro, securing residence in a modest
section of the city. At age fourteen, in 1904, Waynick
enrolled in the "Practice School" on the campus of Greensboro
College for Women. After a year, Waynick attained sufficient
scholarly certification to enter Greensboro High School.'^
Life in Greensboro proved quite different from that of
rural Rockingham County. With Theodore Roosevelt's 1907 panic
blossoming, and the family on slender resources, Waynick soon
developed a high respect for money.^ Securing a job on the
Greensboro Record delivering papers, and melting linotype for
The Telegram, Waynick came to know the city well.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Greensboro
appeared a rather ordinary county seat in piedmont North
Carolina.^ A railroad network completed in the 1890's, served
O
Waynick, "Memoirs", I, 5.
^Ibid • f II, 2; The Waynicks certainly were victims of
declining agricultural conditions in the state. The average
size of farms in North Carolina had been declining steadily
since 1850. Average acres per farm in North Carolina in 1850
was 3 69 acres; average acres per farm dropped in 1 8 60 to 316
acres, in 1870 to 212 acres, and in 1880 to 142 acres. Twenty-
one per cent of the farms in North Carolina were mortgaged in
1890, the states' average interest rate was 8%. Rate of debt
to value on farms in the state was 45.6%. See U.S. Bureau of
the Census, Eleventh Census, 1890: Agriculture, pt. 3,
483 , 454-455.
^Ibid. , II , 4.
^Samuel M. Kipp, "Urban Growth and Social Change in The
South, 1870-1920: Greensboro, North Carolina as a Case Study,"
(Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1974), iv.
4
the city while road and highway improvements complimented the
rail roads. Greensboro boosters and businessmen used as their
program the trinity of industry, good schools and roads to
elicit urbanization and industrialization. 7 Severe economic
dislocation in the countryside led displaced portions of the
rural community to the city, increasing population; the
Waynicks being an example of this migration.
As a result, Greensboro became a "relatively large, dense.
and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individuals
and n8groups. By 1910, its white middle class emerged as one
of the largest and most influential strata within the
community. With only minor exceptions, the upper half of the
white social structure provided the elected local officials;
the exercise of political power and representation directly
correlated with social status.^ Two hereditary outcast groups
remained, both with separate and distinct social existenance:
the white mill workers and the city's black residents. 10
Politically, a more powerful and select elite directed local
affairs between 1880 and 1910. By 1920, they would be replaced
by a progressive new caste, oriented toward growth and far more
sensitive to their public responsibilities. 11 Waynick came to
’^Ibid. , 106 .
8 Ibid. , 255.
^Ibid., 342.
10 Ibid., 301.
11 Ibid., 423.
5
know this changing city, benefited from its diversity and
learned the characteristics of its mixed population.
Both white and black races supplied dramatic and
contrasting personae for Waynick's boyhood. He acquainted
himself with many black families in the Warnersville section of
town and acquired a deep interest in the famous carpetbagger
Albion W. 12Tourgee. Collecting for The Telegram and the
Greensboro Record, Waynick came to know every side street and
alley. Caught up in the urban growth cycles and excitement, he
edited the school newspaper his senior year in 1907. After
graduation, choosing a suitable college, however, proved to be
a point of disagreement within the Waynick household.
Anna Waynick preferred Davidson College, a small
Presbyterian school with a traditional approach to education
which complimented the family's spiritual values. The younger
Waynick argued for the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill. After considerable discussion, especially in regard to
finances, the Waynicks conceded and Capus enrolled at the
University to pursue a liberal arts degree. Enjoying life at
the university, he continued being a "poor student" but made
many beneficial acquaintances. 13 Waynick did study Greek,
12Waynick, Memoirs", II, 4, Waynick Papers; Ethel S.
Arnett, Greensboro North Carolina, (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina, 1955), 400. A self-proclaimed carpetbagger,
coming to Greensboro shortly after 1865, Tourgee was elected
judge of Superior Court. Author of Red String, he later
founded the Union League in the state.
13Waynick, "Memoirs", II, 9, Waynick Papers; High Point
Enterprise, March 28, 1954.
6
taking as his tutor John J. Parker, a future Federal Judge. He
joined the Dialectic Society and made friends with Walter P.
Stacy, a future Chief Justice of the North Carolina Supreme
Court, and Dean of the Faculty, Dr. Eben Alexander. ^
Nevertheless, all night card parties accounted for a great deal
of ill spent time at Chapel Hill. Waynick remained at the
University until 1909, leaving in pursuit of his "golden
fleece. ,,15 He confessed later that the parting reflected a
mutual agreement between himself and university officials.
After traveling through Virginia, Washington, D.C • / and
Pennsylvania, he soon returned to Raleigh. Joining his father
there in the construction business, Waynick worked as a
carpenter in remodeling work. Jobs included work on the homes
of Josephus Daniels, well-known editor of the Raleigh News ^
Observer, State Supreme Court Judge Walter Clark, State
Legislator Albert L. Cox, and Raleigh banker Edward B. Brow.
During the years Waynick worked for his father he became
quite proficient in the building trade, adept at reading
blueprints and quick with figures. The business profited.
catering 16to the building needs of Raleigh's influential.
Waynick, most probably, became aware of political currents of
14Waynick, "Memoirs", II, 9, Waynick Papers; Capus Miller
Waynick, "Oral History Interview: Capus Miller Waynick",
East Carolina Manuscript Collection, J.Y. Joyner Library, East
Carolina University, (Greenville, 1979), 2-7.
15Waynick, "Memoirs", II, 14, Waynick Papers.
^^Ibid.
7
the time. The Democratic party, defeated in its stubborn
resistance to reform, adherence to conservativism and its
championship of special interest of the business classes.
effectively returned to power after the "white supremacy"
election of 1900. It was the first campaign Waynick
recalled. 17 Although factionalized, the party's more
progressive program included public education and state
economic development, a new found concern for the welfare of
the common man, and a flexible response to the changing needs
of a growing state. Strength of this moderate faction lay in
the East which sought to make business bear a greater share of
the tax burden. Conservative strength in the piedmont.
although responsive to the demands for education and social
reform, sought to stimulate business as the most direct means
1 ft
of state development. By 1908, moderate leadership passed
from Robert Glenn to William Kitchin. The conservative side
listened to Furnifold F. Simmons.
Internal migration gained momentum in North Carolina by
1910. Driven off their farms by low prices, soil exhaustion
and erosion, higher wages and the social appeal of the towns
continually drew rural emigrants. In response, some cities
began extending their city limits and "suburban" areas
developed. 19 For those on the farm the major cash crops
17Lefler, 562.
18 Ibid., 564.
19 Ibid., 576.
8
remained tobacco, corn, cotton, hay and peanuts throughout the
first quarter of the twentieth century. Attempts to organize
farm labor failed to gain momentum, but in 1908 the farmers
formed the North Carolina Farmers Union. Its membership peaked
in 1911, but its role in changing conditions remained
? n
tenuous. Low paying manufacturing developed at a steady
pace. By 1920, it doubled beyond the value of agriculture and
centered in the piedmont area; textiles became the most
important industry in the state. Cheap power through
electrification contributed to industrialization. 21 Tobacco
tycoon, James B. Duke, symbolic of the transition from farming
to manufacturing, organized the Southern Power Company in 1904.
Later, his company gained fame as the the largest utility
producing 22and distributing electric power within the state.
During the first part of the twentieth century, organized
labor experienced slow growth in North Carolina. Because of
the hostility of manufacturers, the indifference and oftentime
hostility of state government and public opinion, and a large
number of unskilled laborers and scattered factories, no
successful unionization materialized. 23 The United Textile
Workers made several attempts after World War I and some
19 Ibid., 576.
20 Ibid., 579.
21 Ibid • r 580 .
22 Ibid., 581.
23 Ibid., 584.
9
strikes resulted, but most ended in failure until the late
1920's. Labor began to organize again during the depression
years, especially in the textile industry, drawing in Waynick
as an arbitrator during strikes in 1932.
Robert B. Glenn of Forsyth County served as Governor of
North Carolina from 1905 to 1909. Labeled as "progressively
conservative" by Josephus Daniels' News and Observer, reform
measures passed the legislature during his tenure, including an
act for prohibition.^'^ The Anti-Saloon League launched an
extensive campaign for prohibition in 1907, and with the
backing of Glenn and the General Assembly a statewide
referendum passed on May 26, 1908. Adopting the measure.
prohibition became effective with the passage of the Turlington
Act in 25January 1910. In 1908, moderates, backed by Glenn,
challenged the Democratic "machine." In an attempt to break
the conservative hold on the party, moderates proposed the
passage of a primary law. William W. Kitchin of Person County
represented the challenge to the ruling political elite.
Labeled as the "people's choice," and nominated over Locke
Craig of Buncombe County on the sixty-first ballot. Kitchin
defeated the Republican candidate J. Elwood Cox at the polls.
^^Ibid. , 571.
25 Ibid.
10
In 1912, with conservatives once again at the helm, Craig
received the nomination at State Convention by acclamation.^^
These political events provided the backdrop in North
Carolina when chief editor J.M. Reese offered Waynick the
position of city editor of the Greensboro Record in 1911.
Waynick sought the advice of Josephus Daniels on this change of
caree rs. Daniels encouraged Waynick to "become a liberal
expressionist. „27 Reese, part-owner and operator of the
Record, an "independent-Democratic" newspaper, provided readers
with local as well as national news through a wire service.
Accepting the position, Waynick supervised set-up for local
news and assisted with advertising copy. Waynick also busied
himself with activities outside the Record as well. To deny
the position to a Republican, the Guilford County Democratic
Party in 1912 placed Waynick on the ballot for Justice of the
Peace for Morehead Township. Waynick won the election but
later claimed he held the office in name only as the position
failed to interest him.9^Q In 1913, he accepted a position as
reporter for the Charlotte Observer.
Waynick's job in the Queen City paid more and afforded the
young journalist additional insights into politics and
^^Ibid • / 572; V.O. Key, Jr. Southern Politics in State and
Nation (Knoxville; University of Tennessee Press, 1986), 212.
27Waynick, "Oral History", 2-4.
^^Arnett, 252-53.
^^Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 2, Waynick Papers.
11
business. with the breakdown of the agrarian system after the
Civil War, the new South developed, and in North Carolina the
backbone of this development was the Piedmont area, with
Charlotte as its center. 30 On the border of South Carolina and
in the Piedmont Industrial Crescent, Waynick's newly adopted
home acted as a magnet bulging with a population of over 3 5,000
by 1913. 31
That year marked a culmination for North Carolina
politically. Upon the election of Woodrow Wilson, the State
increased its influence at the national level. Wilson appointed
Josephus Daniels Secretary of the Navy, Senator Furnifold M.
Simmons held an influential position as Chairman of the Finance
Committee, and Lee S. Overman served on the Senate Rules
Comm i t tee. North Carolina's William M. Kitchin took the helm
as Democratic Leader in the House, and E.W. Pou soon accepted
the post of United States Ambassador to England. Waynick
continued reporting for the Observer and involved himself in
other entrepreneurial adventures as well.
In 1914, floods ravaged the valley sections of Kentucky
and West Virginia requiring considerable reconstruction.
Always looking for ways to make money and interested in being
at the forefront of modern technology, Waynick successfully
30LeGette Blythe and Charles R. Brockmann, Hornets' Nest
(Charlotte: McNally Company, 1961), 123; George B. Tindall,
The Emergence of the New South, 1913-1945, (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1967), 95-96.
31Blythe and Brockmann, 173.
12
peddled newly designed steel-bound toilet seats in the flood
stricken 32area. In the course of his travels throughout the
South, Waynick continued to send stories to the Observer, and
for a few months in 1914 he filed copy with the Anderson
Intelligencer, a small Democratic daily serving the residents
of Anderson, South Carolina. 33 In 1915, Waynick returned to
the Greensboro Record, now owned and operated by Al
Fa irbrother. Waynick continued under contract with the
Charlotte Observer, occasionally submitting copy.
On June 19, 1915, being more financially secure, Waynick
married Elizabeth McBee of Charlotte. The wedding took place
in Charlotte at the home of Elizabeth's great aunt. Mrs. Thomas
(Anna Morrison) J. Jackson, widow of the late T.J. "Stonewall"
Jackson. Elizabeth, a recent graduate of Salem College,
attended school on a Stonewall Jackson Memorial Scholarship.
Mrs. Jackson was the daughter of Robert Hall Morrison, first
president of Davidson College, the Presbyterian school Anna
Waynick preferred for her son Capus. 34 After their marriage.
the Waynicks cultivated a personal friendship with Charlie
Manly Stedman, last Confederate officer serving North Carolina
in the United States Congress. Waynick first met the major
32Greensboro Daily News, April 27, 1969.
3 3 Ibid.; N.W. Ayer, N.W. Ayer and Son's Directory of
Newspapers and Periodicals (Philadelphia: N.W. Ayer, 1915),
877 .
34High Point Enterprise, March 28, 1954.
13
while city editor of the Record. 35 Elizabeth accompanied
Waynick as he reported on events in the State. But as European
war developed and Wilson displayed more of his idealistic
diplomacy, events and personalities seemed to sap progressive
reform of its vitality and the couple's future swayed in the
balance. In 1915, Wilson's neutrality became tenuous.
Marriage normally would have exempted Waynick from
military service, but in 1916, he joined the North Carolina
National Guard, earned a modest salary and, he bragged, a
yearly vacation at the expense of the federal government. In
1917, having secured a job for Elizabeth as secretary to Dr.
J.I. Foust of the North Carolina College for Women, Waynick
enlisted in the army as a lieutenant. Waynick served at Camp
Gordon, Georgia, until 1918. 36 After discharge, he rejoined
the Guard and retained his commission until retirement in
1961 37.
Back home in Greensboro, Waynick accepted the position of
associate editor of the Record. Al Fairbrother sold the paper
that year to Parker Anderson of Greensboro and Waynick and a
friend, Julian Price, bought Anderson out in 1919. As a new
decade opened, Waynick traveled to Raleigh and reported on the
legislative sessions of 1921 and 1923. In addition, he worked
3 5 Ibid.
^^Ibid.
37Greensboro Daily News, April 27, 1969.
14
as a stringer for the Associated Press. Waynick refreshed his
contacts with friends in Raleigh and engaged in city booster
activity while at home in Greensboro. 38
Waynick worked raising funds and recruiting new members
for the Young Men's Christian Association (Y.M.C.A.) of
Greensboro. As Chairman of the Membership Committee, Waynick
hawked for funds to match a $25,000 gift by mill owner Julius
W. Cone. The Greensboro Y.M.C.A. needed 39a swimming pool. In
1923, Waynick sold his shares in the Record to Price and he and
Elizabeth traveled to High Point to begin another venture.
High Point, a new South city, stood in contrast and
competition with its neighbor Greensboro. Waynick took
residence in a town where industrial promotion proved its
shibboleth. Like Durham, Winston, Gastonia and Burlington,
High Point drew capital to the South. Although Greensboro
attracted manufacturing and industry as well, Waynick's High
Point epitomized the new South philosophy of deliverance through
i ndustry. 40 Nevertheless, Waynick did not move to High Point
to compete with Greensboro. Aware of the atypical relationship
between the towns, Waynick continually cultivated friendships
with the politically powerful of Greensboro including E.B.
38Greensboro Daily Record, October 19, 1922.
^^Ibid., October 22, 1922.
40Tindall, 96; Holt McPherson, High Pointers of High
Point (High Point: Hall Printing Company, 1976), 25, 102;
Walter J. Matherly, "The Emergence of the Metropolitan
Community in the South," Social Forces, 14(1935-1936), 324.
15
Jeffress, Albert S. Keister and Julian Price.41 With a
sophisticated political awareness, Waynick moved to High Point
fully aware of the situation.
Waynick replaced Worth Brown as editor of the evening High
Point Enterprise and in the fall secured controlling interest
in the business. The Waynicks made High Point their
permanent home, purchasing "Fields tone," a one hundred and
fifty year old country place on Beaucrest Avenue. The
circulation of the Enterprise proved modest for a sixty-five
factory town, but avoided direct competition with the morning
Greensboro Daily News. Waynick's only competition appeared to be
the Review, a weekly independent High Point tabloid. 43
Publishing the Enterprise evenings, except Sunday, Waynick
provided local and state news to subscribers. Associated Press
releases seemed to inform High Pointers on events of national
interest.
Waynick supervised the daily activity of the paper.
occasionally penning an editorial. As the Waynick's remained
childless, opportunity opened up at the Enterprise for
Elizabeth as well. Throughout the decade Elizabeth frequently
41Arnett, 420, 443, 453. E.B. Jeffress served as Mayor of
Greensboro for two terms, 1925 and 1927. Jeffress also served
as President of the Greensboro Chamber of Commerce in 1922 and
1923. Albert S. Keister and Julian Price both served as
members of the Greensboro City Council from May 9, 1933 to May
9, 1939 and from May 14, 1929 to May 12, 1931 respectively.
42High Point Enterprise, March 28, 1954.
43 N.W. Ayer, N.W. Ayer and Son's Directory of Newspapers
and Periodicals (Philadelphia: N.W. Ayer, 1923), 798.
16
presided over the society section of the paper, Making
contacts of her own in the newspaper business and through
community work, Elizabeth later exercised her influence and
laid the groundwork for a parks program started during the
depress ion. 44
As business at the Enterprise increased, Waynick hired as
city editor a young man from Norfolk, Virginia, Wade P.
Renfrew. Politically active, with family ties in State
government, Renfrew organized Democrats in the High Point area
and fashioned a strong party network.
Waynick's paper carried the headline issues of the
day throughout the decade, but unlike the Greensboro Daily News
and the Record, the Enterprise refrained from too much comment
on the popular issues of fundamentalism, the evolution
controversy, or the Gastonia textile strikes of 1929.^^ The
Record and the Daily News dwarfed the Enterprise in
circulation. As a result, Waynick's paper generally covered
city and county news, providing residents with a provincial and
objective reporting not in competition with Greensboros'
tabloids. On the issue of evolution, the Greensboro papers
displayed no restraint in their critique of militant
"^"^Willard B. Gatewood, Jr • / Preachers, Pedagogues and
Politicians (Chapel Hill; The University of North Carolina
Press, 19 66), 161-163; selected issues of the High Point
Enterprise 1925 through 1929.
45W.B. Gatewood, Preachers, Pedagogues and Politicians,
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, (1966),
pp. 161-163 and selected issues of the High Point Enterprise
for the years 1925 through 1929.
17
fundamentalism.'^^ Although raised by a staunch Presbyterian
mother, Waynick reported on the issues evenhandedly, unlike the
Presbyterian Standard that heaped venomous adjectives on the
likes of Clarence Darrow and non-fundamentalists. Waynick's
journalism provided factual coverage, even when Billy Sunday
enthralled crowds in High Point during 47May and June, 1925.
The year 1929 turned out to be a good and bad year for
editor Waynick, the citizens of High Point and the country.
Renfrow's Democratic "machine" obtained a partisan charter for
the city.^^ The Depression, nevertheless, initiated severe
retrenchment upon Guilford County residents, and the rest of
the Nation. Waynick's paper did not escape its ravages, but
even though the circulation of the Enterprise dropped in 1929,
Waynick 49ended the decade content with his newspaper business.
Waynick remained with the Enterprise until January 1931,
when he took to the road again to Raleigh as State
4
Greensboro Record, February 21, 1925; Greensboro Daily
News, May 8, August 6, 17, 1925. The evolution controversy
sparked by the Scopes trial spawned a legislative effort to
stop the teaching of evolution in North Carolina schools. This
effort, represented by the Poole Act, received defeat by the
legislature on a Resolution vote of 67 to 46 on February 19,
1925. Many rejoiced at the defeat of the measure, however the
Record noted it signaled no triumph for extreme radicalism.
The High Point Enterprise had no editorial comment on the vote.
47High Point Enterprise, May 10, 14, June 3, 1925.
48Sarah M. Smith, "A Social Study of High Point, North
Carolina" (M.A. thesis. Chapel Hill: The University of
North Carolina, 193 3), 38; Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 5.
^^Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 5, Waynick Papers; High Point
Enterprise, March 28, 1954.
18
Representative from Guilford County. Contacts made during his
career, including those in journalism, friends from the
University of North Carolina and throughout the state.
membership in the Y.M.C.A • ! the Watauga Club, and the
Democratic Party, gave him an enviable base of acquaintances
that enabled him to function adequately and assist in the
democratic process. Waynick's career in the North Carolina
House, and later in the State Senate, preceded directly his
position in the New Deal.
For these years. Waynicks' "Memoirs" provide a selected
framework of events and his political and public career.
Written in the early 19 60's, Waynick edited his life story
amplifying what he felt to be his more important life
contributions, and eliminating the more mundane adventures.
Very careful when commenting on political friends and
acquaintances, Waynick reflected the political acumen he
maintained throughout his career. The "Memoirs," devoid of
insights concerning the dramatic events of World War I and the
1920's, leave the impression of an ambiguous being. None of
his editorials, oral histories, or personal letters sharpen the
image. Nevertheless, what Waynick excludes from his memoirs
most probably says more about his true nature than his recorded
reminiscences. Waynicks' "Memoirs" and "Oral History" present
other problems beside selective editing. Often the subject
makes his actions and/or reactions the center of importance.
discounting others relative to the problem or situation.
19
Confusion over dates and sequence of events exist in the
"Memoirs."
Prior to 1931, Waynick built a network of contacts that
opened doors for political success and personal enrichment. He
did not climb the ladder to the top by offending those in power
and his "Memoirs" reflect this basic trait. The political
elite, mentioned in his papers, allowed him entrance into the
inner circle. Waynick's political fidelity kept him there in
most instances. Nevertheless, Waynicks' "Memoirs" do provide
the researcher with a starting point. Most significant in
treating his childhood and family history, these reminiscences
ascertain family values that Waynick held throughout his
1 i fe .
CHAPTER II
A POLITICAL ENLIGHTENMENT
Although Capus Miller Waynick consistently argued politics
to be "the other fellow's race," he entered the state political
arena in 1931 as a representative from Guilford 1County.
Cultivating a relationship with political contacts and friends,
Waynick gained influence and prestige with the controlling
state hierarchy. Labor arbitration, relief work and newspaper
connections, sprinkled among the politics, eventually groomed
Waynick for positions in state government and the New Deal.
Encouraged by wife Elizabeth, and a young precocious city
editor Wade P. Renfrew of the High Point Enterprise, Waynick
embarked on an ambivalent political career.
Renfrew assisted in building the machinery that launched
Waynick's public political career. Originally a native of
^Waynick, "Memoir", Forward, 3, Waynick Papers.
^Key, 211-212. According to Key, financial and business
elite influenced the state's political and economic life. With
industrialization, an economic oligarchy, centered around the
"Southern Crescent" of Greensboro, Winston-Salem, Charlotte,
and Durham developed and maintained influence in North Carolina
government by elevating to office persons "in harmony with its
viewpoint." A "machine," effectively controlled state politics
under the auspices of this economic oligarchy. First the
machine, the "Simmons machine," under the auspices of Furnifold
M. Simmons, came to command power in North Carolina after the
Red Shirt campaign of 1898. Simmons retained control until
1928, when his support for Hoover enabled insurgents to wrest
control of the machinery from him. The standard then passed to
Max Gardner of Shelby in Cleveland county. After 1933, when
Gardner left the office of governor, the "Shelby dynasty" was
becoming a by-word. The Shelby crowd maintained control of
state politics into the 1940's, despite challenges to their
precept during the depression decade.
21
Bertie County, North Carolina, Renfrow, in 1929 set upon the
task of routing Republicans from High Point.^ Organizing
Democrats in the city, Renfrow challenged Republican leader of
the area J. Elwood Cox, President of the Commercial National
Bank, who had effectively controlled oity government throughout
the 1920's. With citizen interest heightened by depression and
increasing pressure of a heavy city public debt, Renfrow
organized Democrats to secure control of city hall turning the
town over to the Democrats with a partisan charter.^ Renfrow
and Democratic committee members heavily loaded their ticket
with leading business executives carefully selected from
C
industry and free from the domination of Cox. With the death
of O.E. Mendenhall in September 1930, Renfrow advanced to Vice
Chairman of the Guilford County Democrat Executive Committee.^
With Democrats firmly entrenched, Renfrow raised a network of
support capable of carrying Waynick to the General Assembly in
1931 and again in 1933.
3 Ibid., IX, 5; Smith, 38-39. Smith argued the city
campaign of 1929 oentered on the issue of public debt. As High
Point's population expanded, from 16,000 in 1929 to more than
36,000 by 1930, money "flowed like water" to expand city
facilities. Democrats organized, and offering a ticket heavily
loaded with leading business exeoutives, charged "free the city
from the domination of Mr. Cox." Routing Cox from High Point,
the elected council applied the Jacksonian principle, "To the
victor belongs the spoils."
^Smith, 38 .
^Ibid. , 3 7.
^Greensboro Patriot, September 8, 1930; The North
Carolina Year Book, 1931 (Raleigh: The News and Observer,
19 3 1), 1 5"0:
22
Just as death advanced Renfrew into political prominence
in Guilford County, death also opened the door for Waynick's
public career. William C. Jones, a prominent High Point
businessman running for the North Carolina House, committed
suicide on October 31, 1930 within just days of the general
election."^ Democrats of High Point Township scrambled to place
on the ticket a candidate acceptable to their cause and
sufficiently popular to win on such short notice. Appealing to
Waynick's sense of civic duty Renfrow encouraged the editor to
accept the nomination. Waynick conceded and the Guilford
County Democratic Executive Committee of Greensboro endorsed his
candidacy on November 2, 1930. A week later, Waynick won the
seat as Representative to the North Carolina General Assembly
for 1931. 8
Capus Waynick left for Raleigh in the company of three
other Democrats representing the interests of High Point,
Greensboro, and Guilford County. The delegation included
Representatives E.B. Jeffress of Greensboro, a long-time
friend, business associate and mentor; Thomas Turner, Jr. a
7
Raleigh News and Observer, November 1, 1930.
8Greensboro Patriot, November 3, 1930; Raleigh News and
Observer, November 1, 1930; High Point Enterprise, November
1, 1930. W.G. Boone, the run-off candidate in the June primary
against Jones, requested he not be considered for the position.
23
prominent attorney of High Point, and Senator John T. Burrus, a
physician also of High Point.
Waynick settled in at the Sir Walter Hotel intending to
make his term in public office holding not only his first, but
his last. 10 The 1931 General Assembly session lasted 141 days.
Christened the "Long Parliament," the legislature encountered
more difficult and more critical problems than those in 1929,
and often during the session the Guilford delegation would
oppose each other on the fundamental issues of taxes, state
11
support for public education, and government services.
Early signs indicated the session would not be as
harmonious as the General Assembly of 1929. 12 In the Senate,
thirty-five of the fifty members held law degrees, thirty-four
were alumni of the University of North Carolina, a statistic
later used to fuel a charge of favoritism during debates on
^High Point Enterprise, November 1, 1930; Raleigh News and
Observer, November 1, 1930; Greensboro Patriot, November 3,
1930. Arnette Jackson, Greensboro, North Carolina (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955), 253; Holt
McPherson, High Pointers of High Point (High Point: Hall
Printing Company, 1975), 38. Waynick knew Jeffress from his
early days on the Greensboro Record. In 1915, Jeffress and
three other men identified with the Greensboro Daily News
acquired the Enterprise. In 1921, ownership passed to R.B.
Terry and J.P. Rawley. Waynick acquired controlling interest
in the paper in 1923. Representative Thomas Turner, Jr • /
lawyer of High Point and Dr. John T. Burrus, a practicing
physician representing District 17. See The North Carolina
Year Book, 1931, 101, 113.
10Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 9, Waynick Papers.
11 Ibid., III, 2.
12Raleigh News and Observer, January 9, 1931.
2 4
consolidation of the University. 13 Upon committee selection on
January 13, Waynick held assignments on the Regulation of
Public Service Corporation Committee, the Finance Committee, the
Committee on Conservation and Development, and the Committee
for International Improvement. Being included as a member of
the Joint Committee for Public Buildings and Grounds, and as
Chairman of the Joint Committee on Trustees of the University,
Waynick anticipated a busy schedule. 14
The depression had appeared in North Carolina by 1930.
With a decade long agricultural recession and the critical
events of 1929-1930, property taxes weighed heavy on North
Carolina residents. The North Carolina Tax Relief Association,
formed in March 1930, passed resolutions to ease local tax
burdens. They demanded the state absorb the expenses of the
six month school term and maintenance of all roads and
br idge 15s. In response. Governor 0. Max Gardner, following
Virginia Governor Harry F. Byrd's reform example, sought to
achieve centralization and bind county and city outposts to
state leadership. Gardner proposed these draconian measures:
1. Ten percent cut in state, county, and city officials
pay.
2. Increase of gasoline tax from five to six cents, with
the state taking over all highway maintenance.
13Elmer L. Puryear, Democratic Party Dissension in North
Carolina, 1928-1936 (Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina, 1962), 6T.
14Raleigh News and Observer, January 9, 1931; H.M.
London, ed., North Carolina Manual, 1931 (Raleigh), 55-60.
15Raleigh News and Observer, April 1, 1930.
25
3. Establishment of a modern central prison.
4. Consolidation of the University of North Carolina,
North Carolina State University, and the North
Carolina College for Women at Greensboro.
5. Establishment of a central purchasing agency.
6. Appointment instead of election of the Corporation
Commission Commissioners, the Commissioner of
Agriculture, and the Commissioner of Labor.
7. General reorganization of the state government
according to the Brookings Institute report.
8. Submission to the voters the question of calling
a Constitution Convention to be held in 1933.
9. Reform of county government with some consolidation
requiring all local bonds be authorized by general
instead of local legislatures and be subject to
approval by the State Sinking Fund Commission.
10. Reduction of taxes on property but postponment of
quadrennial valuation of real property from 1931 to
193 3 .
11. Establishment of an eight month school term for all
children of the state if it could be provided at less
expense than the current system.
To alleviate the great fiscal strain placed on the state.
some legislators called for a sales tax. Compounding the money
problems. Representative Angus D. MacLean of Beaufort County
introduced an education bill calling for the state to finance a
general and uniform six month public school system from sources
other than 17£d valorem taxation on property. As a member of
16Edwin Gill, ed.. Public Papers and Letters of Oliver Max
Gardner, Governor of North Carolina, 1929-1933, (Raleigh:
Council of State, 1937), 23-48; Key, 21. In Virginia, a
competent and shrewd state board of strategy, under the leader-
ship of Senator Byrd, maintained a high degree of discipline
over local political leaders affiliated with the organization,
which thus had a well coordinated state-wide machine to bring
out the vote in support of its candidates. Gardner's re-
organization plans were construoted to refleot just the same
aim. A1 Smith also gave Gardner advice on oonso1idation and
centralization of state government. See A1 Smith to 0. Max
Gardner, February 25, 193 1, 0. Max Gardner Papers, Box 48,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
17
Puryear, 72.
26
the MacLean Committee on Education, E.B. Jeffress supported the
measure, advocating the state sales tax as a new source of
1 ft
revenue. ° Waynick stood in opposition to his old friend by
agreeing with Revenue Commissioner A.J. Maxwell who opposed the
sales tax measure. Maxwell suggested the enactment of a small
gross receipts tax on a selected group of commodities, in
1 Q
effect a luxury tax set at a low rate. The sales taxers of
the General Assembly divided: those favoring a tax on luxury
items (i.e. cigarettes, soft drinks and cosmetics), and those
endorsing an all-embracing sales tax.
The tax issue divided the people of North Carolina as well
as the General Assembly. The merchants opposed any form of
sales tax. Tobacco interests, power companies and bottling
companies bitterly contested a luxury tax. Labor fought the
sales tax; farmers seemed to prefer a luxury tax; and the press
0 0
split on the issue. The Senate, strongly opposed to any
sales tax measure, proposed the Joint Finance Committee be
dissolved. Breaking precedent, the Committee voted in
1 ft
Public Laws and Resolutions Passed by the General
Assembly at Its Session of 1931, I, 1; X, 9-10; High Point
EnterprisiT February 1, 1931.
1 Q
Puryear, 73.
20ibid • / 75-76; "Petition Protesting the Sales of Oleo
Products and Requesting a Luxury Tax," 1931, note attached
"copy to Waynick." E.B. Jeffress Papers, Box 26, The Southern
Historical Collection, The University of North Carolina
University, Chapel Hill. Farmers lobbied Jeffress and Waynick
for a luxury tax. Echoing Josephus Daniels' cry "get the money
from the ones who can pay," farm groups petitioned their
support for the tax.
27
agreement. This left the House Finance Committee with the sols
responsibility of bringing forth a revenue bill. 21 The House
Committee, by a vote of fourteen to three, accepted a general
sales tax. Ten members of the committee refused to vote.
including Waynick, citing opposition to any form of sales
tax. 22 The favorable House vote for the sales tax
nevertheless, provoked a rebuttal in the Senate. Debate s
continued through March and April with no acceptable compromise
in sight.
Deadlock over the issue of revenue continued until May.
Governor Gardner then intervened. Appearing before a Joint
Session, he declared the time right to enact a revenue bill
without further delay. Thus confronted, the legislature
finally passed a bill on May 23 that provided revenue by
increasing corporate income taxes and adding to the tax roles a
fifteen cent ad valorem tax. Waynick won his legislative spurs
in the tax fight. Standing with the governor, and this time in
accordance with his mentor Jeffress, Waynick voted for the
23
revenue bill.
As chairman of the Joint Committee of Trustees of the
University Waynick, following Gardner's lead, undertook to
consolidate the state college system. This match encountered
21
Puryear, 77.
22 Ibid • t 77; Raleigh News and Observer, Maroh 11, 1931.
23Journal of the House of Representatives of the General
Assembly of North Carolina, May 23, 1931, 904-905. With 64
members present, the measure passed with a vote of 41 to 23.
28
less opposition than the revenue bill. Consolidation involved
the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, North Carolina
State College of Agriculture and Engineering at Raleigh, and
the North Carolina College for Women located at Greensboro.
Gardner, on the recommendation of the Brookings Institute, had
appointed a Commission in 1930 to study consolidation.^^ The
Joint Committee on Trustees of the University rose to the
challenge of reducing the original three board membership of
18 7 to a 100 member consolidated board, again on the
recommendation of the Institute. Intending to bring in new
blood, Waynick proceeded to reduce the board. The committee
presented its results to a joint session of the legislature on ,
April 10, 1931. 25 But Chairman Waynick's nomination to the
new board, following custom, drew protest from the Assembly.
Those denouncing Waynick's appointment argued favoritism to the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. When Waynick
withdrew in favor of John W. Clark, a State College alumni, the
^'^Joseph L. Morrison, Governor O. Max Gardner, A Power in
North Carolina and New Deal Washington (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1971), 80.
25Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 8, Waynick Papers; House
Journal, April 9, 1931, 677.
29
9 f\
House voted approval of the trustee list. Jeffress then
introduced the bill for consolidation and pushed it through the
House. The measure passed two readings in the House and two in
the Senate without a recorded 27vote.
As a member of an assembly that left behind a record of
achievement, Waynick returned to High Point bruised but
politically seasoned. Waynick witnessed a session making the
state responsible for all road maintenance. He had opposed
this centralizing feature, voting against the measure and
9 R
standing against his preceptor Jeffress and others. However,
on providing direct state financial support for a public school
system and stopping the uncontrolled issuance of bonds and
notes with a Local Government Act, Waynick voted in the
26House Journal, April 9 , 193 1, 678; Waynick, "Memoirs" IX,
9, Waynick Papers. Waynick stated his affiliation with the
University of North Carolina (U.N.C.) caused all the fuss.
There is evidence to support the notion that quite a few North
Carolinians feared U.N.C. would be favored in consolidation
especially in reference to the placement of the engineering
school. See Clarence Poe to Gardner, copy to Jeffress, 23
February 1931, S.B. Alexander of Crompton & Knowles Loom Works
of Charlotte to Gardner, 2 August 1932, 0. Max Gardner
Governor's Papers, North Carolina Division of Archives and
History, Raleigh, N.C. Hereinafter cited as Gardner Governor
Papers. Alexander cited the continuing alarm over State
College alumni afraid "they (the trustees) will pick-up and
move State College to Chapel Hill." Alexander warned the
Governor "a group of us have been able to control them up until
this time." Waynick most probably was denied a trusteeship
because of his opposition to Jeffress on the sales tax issue.
In 1933, Waynick changed his position and saved the sales tax
bill from parliamentary oblivion.
27House Journal, April 10, 1931, 678. The vote in the
House was 85 to 0, and 47 to 0 in the Senate.
^^House Journal, February 23, 1931, 239. The measure
passed 89 to 18.
30
affirmative, reflecting his pragmatic nature. 29 The assembly
effectuated, and Waynick concurred, a comprehensive
reorganization of the State Highway Department, the Board of
Agriculture, Department of Labor, the Corporation Commission,
and the University of North Carolina System; this further
illustrated a trend toward more efficient centralized
government, an old progressive ideal.
Hardly had Waynick returned to his duties at the High
Point Enterprise when Renfrew eagerly pressured him to run
again for the House in 193 2. Yielding to the pressure.
encouraged by Jeffress and other friends, Waynick conceded.
Neve rtheless. when Dr. Burrus a candidate for re-election to
the State Senate withdrew from the race early in 193 2 , as the
responsibility of being the President of the State Board of
Health made double office holding impossible, some of
Greensboro's influential suggested Waynick run for that office,
pledging support for his candidacy. Although mentioned as a
candidate for the Speaker of the House, Waynick opted for the
state senate representing Guilford 30County.
^^House Journal, May 2, February 19, 1931, 817, 204.
30Julius C. Smith to E.C. McLean, May 1 2, 1932, Waynick
Papers. Smith, a partner of the law firm of Brooks, Parker,
Smith and Wharton of Greensboro, petitioned that Waynick be
given a "handsome vote in Greensboro", including McLean's
"friends, associates, officers and employees at your
institution." McLean was Chairman of the Board for the
North Carolina Bank and Trust Company, Greensboro. Copy of
the letter sent to Charles W. Gold, President Pilot Life
Insurance Company, Greensboro.
31
Waynick entered the July primary for the senate seat. A
young Greensboro lawyer, T. Settle Graham, also threw his hat
into the ring, despite warnings of no support from Greensboro's
influential. 31 Graham, finally getting the hint, dropped out
and Waynick won the primary, going on to defeat Republican
challenger W.A. Davis in the November elections. 32 Campaigning
did not occupy all of Waynick's summer; he became concurrently
involved in a labor uprising in the High Point area, almost as
potentially explosive as the Gastonia textile strikes of 1929.
Late in the nineteenth century, textiles developed in the
area, broadening the industrial base of Guilford County. Local
capital originally initiated a small-scale textile industry.
but the large-scale textile operations developed with the help
of outside investors. Moses and Caesar Cone of Baltimore
acquired Gibsonville Minneola Mill in 1893; by 1895 they built
an additional operation at Proximity. John Hampton Adams and
James Henry Millis later built hosiery factories in High Point.
The Stehli Millis (1905) and Crown Hosiery Mills (1912)
complemented Cone operations. 33 But as High Point developed in
the tradition of a New South city, the growing furniture
31Julius C. Smith to Waynick, May 12, 1932, Waynick
Papers; The North Carolina Year Book, 1931, 101. Smith
informed Waynick of Graham's bulIheadedness claiming, "he
(Graham) has less sense than I thought he had." Smith figured
Graham's only support could be through Guy Phillips,
Superintendent of Greensboro School. According to Smith, that
type of support "ought to hurt him."
32Greensboro Patriot, November 10, 1932.
33McPhe rson, 33.
32
industry soon over shadowed textiles and Waynick's High Point
claimed distinction as an international furniture market. High
Point city boosters J.J. Farriss, editor of the High Point
Enterprise, and James T. Ryan, Executive Director of the
Southern Furniture Manufacturing Association, steered a course
intending to make High Point the "Furniture City. ,.3 4 But
textiles remained an essential and important economic factor in
the life of the community. "Our textile industries," a
businessman once said, "grew up to give work to the women folk
in the families of the men working in the furniture
indus „3 5try. Local capital, as in the furniture business.
financed textiles. In this atmosphere, an extension of the
family attitude flourished and paternalism thrived. 36 The Cone
mills personified this attitude with their mill villages; the
company provided all of the necessities of life. Towns grew up
around the mills and management held an anti-union attitude, at
least until post World War II.
Minor labor disputes evolved prior to the strike of 1932.
In 1900 the Proximity Mill experienced a work stoppage because
34 Ibid.
35Smith, 44.
36 Ibid., 60.
33
of working conditions, but the results proved negative. 37 A
series of wildcat strikes in August of 1919 over the issue of
unions forced most of the furniture companies to curtail
operations. Arbitration efforts by Governor Thomas W. Bickett
secured for the workers collective bargaining. 38 Generally
free of labor strife, the 1920's ended with a bright industrial
outlook, despite the crash of 1929. In 1930, Mock-Judson-
Voehringer Company of Greensboro and Stehli Hosiery Mills of
High Point increased production, adding workers to their
payrolls, a trend that continued through the depression
O Q
decade. Industry grew rapidly and by 1933 employed
approximately five to six thousand workers in seamless hosiery
plants, seven hundred full-fashioned hosiery workers, and
twelve hundred cotton mill employees. 40 Nevertheless, the
depression dampened relations between labor and management; old
paternalistic ties parted with the enlarged work force.
As a result of the minor labor problems prior to 193 2 , two
labor organizations developed; the Industrial Workers
37Smith, 60; Harriett Harring, Welfare Work in Mill
Villages, 1929 (Chapel Hill; The University of North Carolina
Press, 1929), 221, 295-297. Labor bolted against management
over pay and working conditions, "Prominent citizens"
effectuated a "reasonable settlement." Management heard the
complaints and workers returned to their jobs without
concessions.
38Smith, 4 6. Bickett secured for labor collective
bargaining in the acceptable form of a "company union."
3^Greensboro Daily News, July 16, 1930; High Point
Enterprise, October 19, 1930; Arnett, 181.
"^^Smith, 46.
34
Association (I.W.A.) and the American Full Fashioned Hosiery
Workers Union, an American Federation of Labor International.
D.V. Bradley of High Point, a boarder in one of the local
hosiery mills, headed the I.W.A. Exigencies of the time.
rather than outstanding ability or qualities of leadership.
placed Bradley at the helm. 41 Bradley emphasized the
organization began as an association and not a union. In the
hot summer of 1932, after workers from the textile industry
considered calling a strike, they decided to "keep going" and
thus the origin of the 42I.W.A.
Hosiery workers officially walked-out at the Adams-Millis
Corporation of High Point on July 18, 1932. Waynick's High
Point Enterprise immediately covered the event, informing the
public of worker demands and owner counterproposals. 43 The
walkout by Adams-Millis workers initiated strike action by
workers at Triangle Mills, Robbins Knitting Company, Harriss-
Covington Mills Commonwealth Hosiery, Thomas O.E. Kearns and
Sons, Crown Hosiery Mills, Guilford Hosiery Mills and Melrose
Hosiery Mills. The strike resulted from wage cuts that
represented a twenty-five per cent reduction in wages since
July 11, 1932. Waynick published Bradley's proposals for a
return to the payscale of April 1. Bradley argued workers
41 Ibid., 61.
42 Ibid.
43High Point Enterprise, July 18, 1932.
35
wanted only collective talks with management, not
unionization.'^'^
At first the tone of the strike remained restrained and
Waynick's Enterprise remained neutral. The second day of the
strike brought more walkouts spreading into the surrounding
areas and including Lexington, Kernersville and James town.^
Wage cuts also angered workers at the Thomasville Chair Company
and violence against paymaster Robert Williams closed down
plant operations. Rumors flourished that Communists, enroute
from Charlotte and Gastonia, would take over strike
operations. 46 Given the incident at Thomasville Chair Company
and rumors of an invasion by radicals. Governor Gardner ordered
General J. Van B. Metts of the National Guard to High Point.
Waynick, in a special edition, called for a stand against
disorder and pleaded for talks between management and labor to
begin immediately. 47 Waynick, Bradley, and T. Wingate Andrews
the Superintendent of Schools met with strikers the next day
and admonished them to refrain from further violence. 48
'^Ibid., July 19, 1932. The wage cut was from $2.00 to
$1.50 for 100 dozen boarded men's half hose from July 11 to
July 18. Bradley argued for a return to the April 1 rate of
$2.25 per 100 dozen.
45 Ibid. , "Special Edition", July 19, 1932.
'^^Ibid. Even though many North Carolinians applauded
Waynick and his paper for neutral coverage during the strikes,
the Enterprise reported on the "rumor" concerning the radicals
from Charlotte and Gastonia.
47 Ibid., July 20, 1932.
48 Ibid.
36
On July 20, 1932, Waynick published a bid offered by the
owners promising to study wage scales at mills in other areas
of North Carolina and Tennessee. Owners invited strikers to
return to work without recrimination while negotiations
continued. Waynick suggested workers meet again with him.
Bradley and Andrews at the High Point Senior High School to
discuss a settlement.'^^ Meeting with labor on Wednesday, July
20, the three cooled hot tempers and assured labor of their
neutral position in the affair. 50
Waynick published I.W.A. demands in a regular edition of
the Enterprise on Thursday, July 21. Workers at the Slane
and Amos Hosiery Mills agreed to return to work at the same
payscale as the time of the walkout. All other mill workers
held out for the pay rate of April 1. National attention now
focused on the strike when Fred Keightley, a negotiator for the
United States Labor Department, arrived in High Point and
elevated tensions. Waynick, in another editorial, called for
an orderly settlement, pointing out the adverse effects of a
prolonged strike on the community. On a positive note, Waynick
described the city returning to a "normal air with responsible
individuals negotiating equitable settlement. -51an A string
of incidents, on Thursday evening, July 21, and Friday morning.
'^^Ibid. , July 2 1 , 193 2.
50Greensboro Daily News, August 12, 1932.
51High Point Enterprise, July 21, 1932.
37
July 22, challenged Waynick's assessment of conditions in High
Point.
On Thursday evening violence marked strike efforts in the
High Point area as "wrecking crews" destroyed mill equipment.
Police arrested twelve for inciting a riot. The "out of town"
communists, supposedly from Charlotte, arrived on Friday.
Passing out hand bills, the communists urged the strikers
to elect delegates to the Communist Party Convention to be held
July 31 in Charlotte. To complicate matters, one of the rioters
arrested on Thursday had previously been indicted for the
slaying of Chief of Police Anderholt during the violent
Gastonia strikes of 1929. This series of events produced a
"hardening effect" on strikers and demands from management.
Bradley called for the workers to accept the offers of July 20,
but the membership emphatically refused. As the situation
deteriorated, Waynick continued operating behind the scenes.
Working as an independent liaison between management and labor.
and now in communication with Governor Gardner, he tried to
effect reasonable communication. Management, losing money each
day because of the strike, pressed to re-open plants with the
52 Ibid.; John L. Bell, Hard Times (Raleigh: North
Carolina Division of Archives and History, 1982), 36-37. The
four arrested included Claude Smith and Sam Phifer of
Charlotte, David Doran of Galveston, and Dewey Martin,
southern organizer for the National Textile Workers Union
and professed Communist.
38
assistance of law enforcement. Labor factions began to
disagree on what constituted equitable 53terms.
By July 26, the situation grew worse as sixty state police
officers appeared on the scene and an I.W.A. Executive
Committee formed reducing Bradley's power. The next day some
manufacturers re-opened under police protection. Apprising
Governor Gardner of the situation, Waynick called for the
governor's personal appearance at the negotiating table. The
governor arrived in High Point on July 30 to confer with local
citizens over settlement of the strike. In a special edition
of the Enterprise on July 30, the governor called for a
commission to settle the strike. Three delegates from labor
and management, along with the governor, would arbitrate for an
equitable settlement. The strikers named Bradley, Lawrence H.
Robbins, and J.O. House to represent their interests.
Management sent to the table W.H. Slane President of Lock-Knit
Hosiery Company, J.E. Millis owner of Adams-Millis Corporation
of High Point, and Charles L. Amos President of Amos Hosiery
Mills Company. Governor Gardner, the seventh member of the
committee. secured counsel from his personal secretary E.M.
Gill and Waynick. 5 5
53High Point Enterprise, July 24, 1932.
^^Ibid • / July 30, 1932; Morrison, 119-120; Bell 37.
55High Point Enterprise, "Extra Edition", July 30,
1932; memo, Edwin Gill to Gardner at High Point, July 30,
1932 and Gardner to Waynick, August 1, 1932, 0. Max Gardner
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 110, North Carolina Division of
Archives and History, Raleigh.
39
The select committee met at the High Point Sheraton on the
evening of July 30 with the Governor presiding over the
con ference. Negotiations concluded an equitable and peaceful
end to the strike. Waynick published the results in the Sunday
edition of the Enterprise and the Governor removed highway
patrol units from the area. Workers accepted a wage scale less
than the April 1 rate, owners promised to canvass pay rates
among the industry and vowed no retaliatory action against
strikers. The compromise satisfied both management and labor
and the workers of the seamless hosiery mills and the full-
40
fashioned mills voted to return to their jobs. 56 Nevertheless,
^^High Point Enterprise, August 1932. Workers agreed
to the rate at the time of the walk-out, $1.50 per 100 dozen.
For a contrasting argument on the High Point strikes, see John
G. Selby, "Better to Starve in the Shade than in the Factory:
Labor Protest in High Point, North Carolina in the Early
1930s.", The North Carolina Historical Review, 64, No.
l(January 1987), 43-64. Selby argues the strikes developed
into "an organized, purposeful experiment in workers'
democracy," and "in the early 1930s a hotbed of worker protest
was in High Point, North Carolina." In addition, Selby states
the strikes proved infectious drawing blacks into the movement.
"In the passion of the moment, white and black workers broke
through the caste barriers of their segregated society and
acted as one group united by class, not race." In reviewing
census materials, unemployment returns and other sources a
different picture emerges. Although women comprised 52% of the
textile labor force, they were not represented in strike
efforts. No mention of black participation in the labor unrest
appears in the press or papers of sources used by this
researcher. If the strikers were conducting an experiment in
workers' democracy, a narrow interpretation of democracy must
be accepted. Selby also contends the textile industry was
hard-hit by the depression, both with reduced employment and a
decline in wages. Although unemployment figures for the year
ending 1932 indicates a depressed condition for the textile
industry, it was by no measure catastrophic. Unemployment
figures are as follows: Silk and rayon mills 4.3%, knitting
mills 7.4% and cotton mills 9%. While wages were reduced, more
workers retained their jobs compared to unemployment figures
for other industries in the state. (Other industries include
tanneries at 11.5% unemployment, flour mills 14.6%, fertilizer
factories 39.5%, and saw mills 44.9% unemployment.) State
figures for unemployment increased from 3% TO 4% from census
figures of 1930 to 1932. Civil Works Administration officials
estimated the number of North Carolinians unemployed ending
1932 at 40,000, with 600 industrial establishments idle.
C.W.A. estimated unemployment in High Point 6% while Guilford
County unemployment was 3%. Textile workers made-up 18% of the
work force in Guilford County. See Civil Works Administration
in North Carolina: November 15, 1933 to March 31, 1934
(Raleigh: U.S. Federal C.W.A. of North Carolina, 1934), 5-11,
Works Projects Administration, "Federal Emergency Relief
Administration Old Subject File," Record Group 69, Box 59,
National Archives, Washington, D.C. U.S. Department of
Commerce, Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930:
Unemployment, vol. 1, 31, 731; U.S. Department of Commerce,
Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930: Manufacturing,
vol. Ill, 383-84 .A
41
the strike at the Thomasville Furniture Company continued and
required Waynicks' services to secure settlement.
Demands by workers at Thomasville included a return to the
wage scale before the walkout, no further wage cuts, and the
recognition of their labor organization. As president of the
company R. W. Finch held steadfast against the demands.
continuance of the strike wore down the efforts at compromise.
A striker struck a highway patrolman and Davidson County
employers responded demanding the National Guard be called.
The strikers accused the Greensboro Daily News of inflammatory
coverage of the strike, and Governor Gardner solicited
Waynick's help in settling the situation. 57 Waynick traveled
to Thomasville, talked with strikers and got their word that
there would be no disorder unless management tried to open the
factories by force. Reviewing the situation at the plant.
Waynick found among the strikers "dependable conservativsm. ,.5 8
Jeffress, now chairman of the State Highway and Public Works
Commission, and Colonel J.W. Harrelson, Director of the
Department of Conservation and Development, accompanied Waynick
to Thomasville for negotiations. Some citizens continued to
57Greensboro Daily News, September 8-12, 1932;
"Strikers Question to Highway Patrol Officers", September
12, 1932, Waynick Papers. Peyton McSwain to Gardener July 20,
1932; W.P. Wall, Secretary of the Central Labor Union, to
Gardener, July 27, 1932, Gardner Gubernatorial Papers. Box 110,
Raleigh. McSwain called on the governor to "send infantry
troops, they are better in riots than those without weapons."
Wall requested the governor withdraw the patrol from the
Thomasville area.
C Q
Raleigh News and Observer, September 12, 1932.
42
request Gardner "send the troops," but Waynick advised against
i t. Strikers voted a compromise package, settling on a reduced
wage scale without owner retaliation against strikers, Workers
returned to the plant on September 20, 1932.^^
Governor Gardner and Josephus Daniels praised Waynick for
his actions in High Point and Thomasville. Daniels in an
editorial suggested Waynick be nominated for a Pulitzer Prize
and John A. Livington, law library librarian for the Supreme
Court of iSIorth Carolina, nominated Waynick for the $500 Gold
Medal Pulitzer award. While Waynick did not gain the honor,
he retained the confidence of both employer and employee during
the strikes, demonstrating a high degree of prudence and sound
j udgmen t.
In the fall, while labor continue to stir below the
surface, Waynick successfully campaigned for the State
5 9mAgreement, Co-workers of the Thomasville Chair
Company", September 19, 1932, Waynick Papers; Raleigh News
and Observer, September 21, 1932; Morrison 121. Worke rs
agreed to return to work at wages at the time of the walk-out,
along with a promise from management that no further reductions
would be made.
f\ n
Raleigh News and Observer, September 12, 1932; J.A.
Livingstone to Carl W. Ackerman, Dean, School of Journalism,
Columbia University, January 25, 1933, Waynick Papers.
43
Senate. 61 But as the days passed before the General Assembly
met on January 5, 1933, he observed deteriorating political
conditions within the state and economic problems of
disastrous proportions collaring the nation as a whole.
Determined that the Assembly would have to do something radical
about conditions, Waynick, as a member of the Senate Finance
Committee, devoted himself to the study of the tax plans of
every state. Writing to each state and reviewing a compendium
on taxation, he went to the Senate more inclined to believe
that an unpopular sales tax would be 62necessary.
Setting the tone for the General Assembly, newly elected
Governor John C.B. Ehringhaus, in his inaugral address, pointed ,
out the State needed to decide at once its financial destiny. 63
For Waynick and the Finance Committee this meant some tough
decisions on revenue. Taxes under consideration included a
production tax, a luxury sales tax, and the controversial
61
Lynn B. Williamson, President, L. Banks Holt
Manufacturing Co., Inc. of Graham, North Carolina to Gardner,
September 28, 1932, Gardner Gubernatorial Papers Box 114,
Raleigh. Williamson advised Gardner trouble still brewed in High
Point despite the strike settlement. Warning Gardner that many
manufacturers were confident trouble would develop later, he
requested the governor "drop entirely out of the picture for
awhile, in the interest of this very excellent industrial
workers of this state." In otherwords, management could take
care of the problem. Greensboro Patriot, Greensboro Daily
News, November 10, 1932. Waynick defeated Republican
challenger W.A. Davis for District 17. Waynick polled 19,265
votes to Davis' 9,280.
^^Waynick, "Memoirs" IX, 9-10, Waynick Papers.
63D.L. Corbitt, ed. Addresses, Letters and Papers of
John Christoph Bulcher Ehringhaus, Governor of North
Carolina 1933-1937 (Raleigh, 1950), 3.
44
general sales tax. By January 6, 1933, Waynick began
receiving mail in opposition to any new tax measure.
The Merchants Association of North Carolina advised
Waynick they objected to tax increases, opposing both the
general sales tax and the merchant tax. The Winston-Salem
Retail Merchants Association, in an annual session, formally
adopted a Resolution condemning any sales tax measure. The
Association called for all members of society to unite in
opposition, and called upon Waynick to kill the tax measures in
favor of 65economy in government. Independent merchants voiced
the same concern, charging any type of sales tax would bankrupt
retailers. By the first of February the State Retail Merchants
Association organized and mailed Waynick protest letters from
every part of the state.
In general, the merchants favored retention of the ad
valorum tax, possibly raising the level to twenty-five oents as
a substitute for any sales tax measure. Waynick's Finance
Committee scheduled debate on the subject for the first week in
February. As a sales tax generally placed a heavy use burden
of taxation on the economically less-well endowed portion of
society, the Central Labor Union, followed by the Piedmont
64Goldman's Retail to Waynick, January 6, 1933, Waynick
Pape rs.
65Winston-Salem Merchants Association to Waynick and
"Resolutions", January 26, 1933, Waynick Papers.
^^T.A. Glascock of Glascock Stove and Manufacturing
Company, Greensboro to Waynick, January 26, 1933, Waynick
Pape rs.
45
Textile Council, a branch of the United Textile Workers of
America, presented Waynick with resolutions in opposition to a
sales tax measure. The Merchants Association responded by
advertising for a public meeting set for April 11 at the
Raleigh Memorial Auditorium. 67 Newspaper advertisements
invited concerned merchants, farmers, and citizens to meet and
collectively condemn sales 68tax measures. Waynick received
mail from insurance companies, tobacco industry, power
companies, hotel and utility concerns condemning a sales tax.
Only a sprinkling supported Waynick on the sales tax issue.
Yielding to the sales tax measure out of necessity rather than
political pressure, Waynick sealed the end of his career in
elective office.
The North Carolina Association of Real Estate Boards,
fearing increased property taxes, pledged to back Waynick on
the sales tax. They justified adoption of the tax as "feasible
and without injustice to the citizens and business interests of
North Carolina." In addition, the Association requested the
67Central Labor Union of High Point and Vicinity to
Waynick, 22 February 1933; Piedmont Textile Council to Waynick,
February 29, 1933, including "Resolutions" condemning the sales
tax measure, Waynick Papers. Raleigh News and Observer, April
11, 1933.
^^Raleigh News and Observer, April 11, 1933.
^^Waynick, "Memoirs" IX, 15, Waynick Papers.
46
removal of the fifteen cent ad valorem tax, as already pledged
by the majority of the members of the General Assembly. 70
Wet forces also rallied behind a state sales tax. Senator
Ray Francis of District 32 (Haywood, Jackson and Transylvania
counties) called for the sale of beer, ale and wines containing
no more than 3.2 percent alcohol with licensing by the 71State.
Wets argued tax from the sale of such "would pour streams of
revenue into the long empty coffers of the ,,72government.
Waynick's mail reflected this movement. Dealers contacted the
senator hoping to secure as soon as possible copies of the bill
enabling them to apply for licensing. 73 Waynick also received
support on the bill from school officials and interested
parties not wanting to make the trip to Virginia for their
supply. 7 4 In the end, education forces, championed by Senator
Angus D. MacLean of Beaufort County pressed onward with the
sales tax bill to victory.
70G.P. Geoghegan, Jr • t President of the North Carolina
Association of Real Estate Boards, to Waynick, February 6,
1933, Waynick Papers.
71Daniel J. Whitener, Prohibition in North Carolina,
1715-1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1945), 198.
72Raleigh News and Observer, March 29, 1933.
73 W.L. Callum, Callum Candy Company to Waynick, April 11,
193 3, Waynick Papers.
7 4Jim Trogdon to Waynick, March 27, 1933; T. Wingate
Andrews, Superintendent of High Point Schools, to Waynick,
March 28, 1933; W.P. Wall, Secretary of Central Labor Union,
Greensboro and Vicinity, to Waynick, March 28, 1933, Waynick
Papers.
47
Early in the session Senator MacLean, Chairman of the
Education Committee, introduced a bill to extend the state-
supported school term to eight months. As the bill gained
favorable support, educational forces placed themselves in
position to "front" for the sales 75tax measure. By the first
week in February, sales tax became linked to school finances.
MacLean, also a member of the Senate Finance Committee,
incorporated his influence as well.
A Joint Finance Committee formed to bring a revenue bill
forward as soon as possible and MacLean organized a round robin
commitment of twenty-six senators, including Waynick, pledged
to stay in session until transfer of fiscal responsibility for
the school system be approved. R.G. Rankin, Chairman of the
Senate Finance Committee, Waynick, and stalwarts MacLean, R.A.
Doughton and House member Gregg Cherry made up the Joint
Committee. Aware of the Appropriations Committee report of
March 1, calling for an increase in appropriations of
$83,164,593 for the next biennium, as recommended by the Budget
Bureau, and the probable increased state responsibility for an
eight month school term, the Joint Committee concluded North
Carolina needed a sales 7tax. 6
The committee reported to a joint session of the assembly
a revenue bill calling for a three percent sales tax.
75Journal of the Senate of the General Assembly of North
Carolina, February 1, 1933, 109; Puryear, 167.
76Waynick, "Memoirs" IX, 11, 14, Waynick Papers.
48
Affirming their open-minded nature, revised schedules of the
revenue bill contained an additional article which would
increase the total income from the bill to a minimum of
$25,000,000. 77 The alternate plan, entitled An Emergency
Measure, included a temporary general sales tax on retail
distribution and a similar excise tax on certain commodies. An
automatic repeal would occur after two years and included the
income and franchise taxes on industry and transportation as
well. 78 The committee report called for a stop to new road
building, a restriction on debt service, and economy in road
maintenance. The report further sought a balanced budget.
reporting the sales tax measure valid, equitable and necessary
to preserve State function and credit. Senators MacLean,
Waynick and Doughton penned the historic document. 79
During deliberations by the joint committee, the House
considered other revenue measures. They ranged from luxury
taxes, a selected commodies tax, to a two percent sales tax
measure. House debates, long and bitter, mirrored action in
the Senate. On April 28, a Senator moved to place the sales
tax plan under parliamentary disability. With only forty-seven
of the members present, the call went out for a vote on the
procedure. Twenty-three Senators voted to disable the measure.
77 "Joint Sub-Committee to Joint Session of the
Legislature", April 23, 1933, 2-3, Waynick Papers.
78 Ibid • f 3. It remained a permanent part of North
Carolina fiscal policy.
79 Ibid.
49
twenty-three voted to save the tax. Waynick, the last to be
called, voted affirmativly, thus saving the three percent sales
tax bill. 80 With minor adjustments on the bill, including
exemptions on essential staples such as flour, meat, and lard,
O *1
the Senate conceeded. After smoothing out differences
between the chambers the House approved the tax on May 5, the
Senate concurred on May 11. Although the revenue bill provided
North Carolina with a balanced budget and an eight-month school
term, Waynick's position on the tax haunted his re-election
O O
campaign in 1934 and contributed to his defeat.
Waynick scrapped over other issues during the 1933 Session.
A bill introduced by Senators Larry I. Moore and Robert M.
Hanes called for the replacement of the elected Corporation
O O
Commission with an appointed Public Utilities Commission.
Proponents of the measure, MacLean and co-author Moore, argued
that its passage would provide great savings to the state and
ensure more efficient operation of the Commission. Waynick,
80„Senate Roll Call", April 28, 1933, Waynick Papers;
Raleigh News and Observer, April 29, 1933. It is interesting
to note that although the Shelby Dynasty endorsed the measure,
opposition to the tax centered in the Southern Crescent and
along the fall line separating the Piedmont and Coastal Plain
sections of the state (northeast from Anson through Northampton
counties). Four senators from the highlands also opposed the
measure, as well as Allen H. Gwyn, the second senator from
Waynick's District 17.
^ ^Senate Journal, April 29, 1933, 614.
^^Waynick to Louis Graves, July 9, 1934; Waynick to
Angus Dhu MacLean n.d.; Waynick to R.A. Doughton, April 12,
1934, Waynick Papers. The State, July 7, 193 4, 1 3.
^^Senate Journal, January 20, 24, 1933, 68, 79.
50
along with Senators Lloyd E. Griffin, John W. Hinsdale, Joseph
W. Noell, John Sprunt Hill, Samuel G. Sparger and Robert A.
Patton argued such a measure would lead to greater
centralization and "deprive the poor people of the state of the
right to elect their officials. .,84 Bouncing between the floor
of the Senate and the Senate Committee on Reorganization, the
amended bill was finally referred for a vote to Judiciary
Committee Number 1. Altered in committee, to include within
the commission two part-time associate commissioners and the
effective date changed to January 1, 1934, the measure passed
by a vote of thirty-four to eleven. Waynick still opposed the
measure and voted against the bill. The House approved the
O r
commission without a record vote.
Another measure closely related to reorganization also
occupied Waynick while in the Senate; the issue of a new
constitution for the State. The General Assembly of 1931
authorized a Constitutional Commission to study the problem and
the Commission, appointed by Governor Gardner, reported its
findings in 1932. Action on the report, however, fell on the
Ehringhaus Administration. Waynick, as Chairman of the
Constitutional Amendments Committee, submitted to the General
Assembly a bill outlining the proposed new Constitution. Known
as Senate Bill 33 3, the new document increased the power of the
^'^Puryear, 162; Raleigh News and Observer, January
26, 1933.
^^Senate Journal, February 23, 1933, 204; House Journal,
March 9, 1933, 375.
51
legislature over local government and its power to tax.
It granted the governor veto power and increased his appointive
power. Senate Bill 333 placed under control of the Chief
Justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court a unified judicial
ft 6
system.° The bill required the new constitution be submitted
to the voters for ratification. Senators Larry I. Moore, of
New Bern, and John Hinsdale, of Raleigh, staunchly objected to
the new document. After several concessions, nevertheless, both
houses voted to approve the measure, as opponents decided to
take their fight before the people in the next general election
in November 1934.87
With N.G. Gulley of Wake Forest College Law Department,
Malcolm McDermott Director of the Department of Legislative
Research and Drafting, and Dean E. Miller of Duke University
School of Law, Waynick organized a state-wide campaign to sell
the new constitution. 88 By February 1934, proponents of the
new constitution included the original commission members
appointed by Governor Gardner and some prominent North
Carolinians. As speeches and press releases to combat
opposition rhetoric figured in the scheme, Waynick enlisted
^ ^Minutes of the Constitutional Senate Committee, March 2,
1933, Waynick Papers.
87Raleigh News and Observer, March 16, April 6, 1933;
Puryear, 164; House Journal, March 10, 1933, 381-382. The vote
was sixty-one to twenty-nine on its third reading.
88Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 17-18; Waynick to Dean E.
Miller, Duke University School of Law, July 17, 1933; Waynick
to N.G. Gulley, Wake Forest, July 17, 1933, Waynick Papers.
52
support from the Institute of Government at Chapel Hill and
newspaper associates. 89
Attorney General Dennis G. Brummitt, the most vocal
opponent of the new constitution, argued the document
centralized too much power within the legislative and executive
branches. The power to tax, without the required vote by the
people, removed every definite limitation on the taxing power and
enormously extended the field of taxation. The governor's veto
usurped legislative function and an established appointed State
Board of Education placed the school system under the
domination of the executive, with power to politicalize it
Q n
almost at will. Waynick, speaking throughout his region.
took issue with Brummitt. 91 Judge John J. Parker appeared
before the North Carolina Bar Association in Charlotte in
support of the document and delivered a speech to the North
Carolina Press Association at Banner Elk to dispell objections
made by Brummitt. In a press release. Revenue Commissioner
Allen J. Maxwell rebutted the "six Brummitt bogey-men. .,9 2
Q Q
Waynick to John J. Parker, Major George Butler, and
Lindsay Warren, February 21, 1934; Albert Coates to Waynick,
February 10, 1934, Waynick Papers.
^'^Dennis G. Brummitt to A.T. Allen, Superintendent of
Public Instruction, Raleigh, August 29, 1933, Waynick Papers.
91„Speech", Waynick to the North Carolina Federation
of Woman's Clubs, Asheville, May 3, 1934, Waynick Papers.
9 2„Speech", John J. Parker to the North Carolina Bar
Association, Charlotte, July 8, 1934; "Speech", John J. Parker to
North Carolina Press Association, Bannker Elk, July 12, 1934,
Waynick Papers.
53
Waynick continued to enlist support from old newspaper
Q O
associates. Contacting influential editors, he requested
they publish an article penned by Chief Justice Walter P. Stacy
calling for adoption of the measure. Congressmen, professors
and the influential appeared on Waynick's mailing list.^'^ In
addition Waynick engineered the first public discussion on the
subject by A.J. Maxwell on June 23, presenting a paper to the
Institutes of Government at Chapel Hill. On July 5, he
forwarded copies of the monograph to North Carolina newspaper
editors they support and publish the document in order to
defeat the opposi tion.^^
Q O
Waynick to the Editors of newspapers in North Carolina,
July 5, 1934, Waynick Papers. Waynick forwarded with this
letter a copy of the proposed new State Constitution. He
enlisted their support to "help prevent defeat by those who
have not even studied the job done for the State by an able
Commission." Waynick began as early as August 1933 to pressure
the press to support the proposed new state constitution. See
Jonathan Daniels to Josephus Daniels, August 30, 1933, Jonathan
Daniels Papers, The Southern Historical Collection, Box 1,
Chapel Hill.
Q 4
Waynick to Managing Editors of Greensboro Daily News,
Raleigh News and Observer, and Progressive Farmer, June 8,
1934; Waynick to United States Representative Lindsay
Warren, February 21, 1934; copy, Clarence Poe, President and Editor
Progressive Farmer, to United States Representative H.S.
Ward, May 8, 1934; Waynick to M.T. Van Hecke, Dean School of
Law, The University of North Carolina, December 18, 1933;
Waynick to George W. Spicer, School of Political Science,
University of Virginia, Charlotte, August 3, 1934; Waynick to
James G. Merrimon, Attorney, Asheville, May 17, 1934; Waynick
to Dr. A.T. Allen, State Superintendent of Public
Instruction, February 21, 1934, Waynick Papers.
^^Waynick to North Carolina Editors, July 5, 1934,
(included a copy of monograph presented by A.J. Maxwell,
Commissioner of Revenue, to Institute of Government, Chapel
Hill, June 23, 1934), Waynick Papers.
54
With the opposition adamant in its concerns over the
revised constitution, the Institute of Government answered
charges with a comparative study focusing on the constitutional
theory involved. Finding no serious problem with the document,
the Institute requested the reader ponder this question: "As
between the two, is it more important that the people be
protected from their elected representatives or is it more
important that the representatives be left free to deal with
unforeseen problems and conditions as they appear. As
battle lines formed, those promoting the new document resigned
to limit opposition in areas where their opponents deceived the
unwary, as opposed to winning support from their ranks. 97 A
judiciary opinion, however, rendered the issue irrelevant. In
October 1934, the State Supreme Court issued an advisory
opinion citing the prohibition election, held in November 1933,
constituted the first general election following the
adjournment of the General Assembly. Waynicks' constitutional
forces missed the boat. The new constitution would need to be
re-submitted q Qin a subsequent General Assembly.
9^Institute of Government, ed. Albert Coates, Report
(Raleigh, 1934), Waynick Papers.
9 7„Memo", Clarence Poe to Waynick, n.d • t Waynick
Papers.
9^Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 17-18, Waynick Papers; Raleigh
News and Observer, September 18, 20, 1934; Th^ State, September
77~T9347 To: Major L.P. McLendon, Chairman of the State Board
of Elections, requested the Supreme Court to rule on the
election matter. The court ruled the election in November
1933 was the next "general election" following the adjournment
of the legislature in Raleigh.
55
As the constitution argument intertwined with the
prohibition issue, Waynick soon found himself facing another
fight in the Senate Chamber. The Murphie-Bowie bill introduced
in the House called for the legalized sale of light wines and
beer if Congress permitted states such an action, The measure
received a favorable report but returned to committee.
Another bill introduced by Representative Richard A. Pope of
Halifax County proposed legalizing the sale of beer and wine
only after a referendum. As the House seemed reluctant to take
steps in the matter, the Senate took the lead and acted. A
bill, introduced by Senator Roy Francis of Haywood, called for
the sale of beer, ale and wines containing not more than 3.2
percent alcohol. Waynick, Chairman of the Constitutional
Amendment Committee, held hearings on the proposal and a lively
battle ensued between organized dry and forces. 100wet Af ter
consideration, the committee reported favorably on a substitute
bill which contained most of the features of the Francis bill.
Waynick voted in the affirmative and the measure quickly passed
both the Senate and the House. 101
The movement to repeal the 18th Amendment also involved
Waynick. Congress specified ratification by convention to
repeal prohibition, and Waynick's Committee on Constitutional
^^House Journal, January 25, February 14, 15, 1933, 102,
202, 216.
100Whitener, 198-199.
101Senate Journal, March 30, April 31, 1933, 426, 431;
House Journal, April 1, 4, 1933, 560-561, 568.
56
Amendments handled the repeal referendum. Debate ensued
centering on the demand that the issue not be submitted to the
people. Ardent spokesman of the prohibition forces, Dr.
William Lois Poteat, President of Wake Forest College,
challenged Waynick in a hearing before a jammed House. Drys
eventually conceded defeat and the bill passed. A "Special
Election" was scheduled for November of 1933. As Waynick
suspected, the voters of North Carolina rejected repeal, but
enough other states voted for repeal to doom the 18th
Amendment. 102
As wet forces called for a "Special Election" in November
1933, drys and the Supreme Court in an advisory opinion argued
a special election could not be held until November 1934.
Refusing to postpone action on the measure, wets deleted
"Special Election" from the bill and inserted "General
Election", pushing the measure through. This "general
election", a year early, affected the proposed new constitution
mentioned above. 103 During the Committee hearings on repeal of
the amendment and the proposed sale of beer and wine in the
state, both drys and wets solicited Waynick. Wets argued sale
of alcoholic beverages would increase revenue plus North
Carolina wanted beer; if they could buy it here there would be
102Whitener, 199; "Memoirs", IX, 16-18, Waynick Papers.
103 See footnote 98.
57
no need to go to Virginia. 104 The Central Labor Union of
Greensboro and Vicinity went on record in favor of the Francis
bill and T. Wingate Andrews, Superintendent of Schools in High
Point, noted the measure would pass. He, however, requested
that the revenue from beer sales not be earmarked for the
schools. 105 Dry forces, such as the North Carolina Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, felt passage of the measure would
increase the "stream of sickness, unhappiness and necessity.
thus making more business for Health and Public Welfare
Departments in the State. „106 Waynick, nevertheless, stood by
his vote to submit the question to the voters. Believing North
Carolina would not support the repeal, he did know that prompt
action on a national question agreed with democratic
gove rnment. He favored an election on that premise. 107
Waynick also defended the right of the press in the
prohibition argument, covering the meeting of a "Repeal Group"
in High Point in June 1933. He was hailed for the coverage by
E.W. Ewbank, publisher of the Hendersonville Times-News, who
104Jim Trogdon to Waynick, March 27, 1933, Waynick
Pape rs.
105Central Central Labor Union, Greensboro and Vicinity,
to Waynick, March 28, 1933, Waynick Papers.
106Annie A. Williams, President of the North Carolina
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Guilford College, to
Waynick, January 27, 1933, Waynick Papers.
107Waynick, "Memoirs", IX, 17, Waynick Papers.
58
felt he published the only newspaper in the State denouncing
the 18th Amendment and the Volstead Act. 108
In addition to the headline issues of prohibition, sales
tax, and a new state constitution, during his tenure in the
Senate, Waynick dealt with matters of local interest and
concern. Chapter 346 of the Public-Local Laws, pushed through
the legislature by Waynick, enabled the County of Guilford to
issue "script" in lieu to regular currency. The act
established script acceptable not only for salary but for
payment of taxes in the 109county. Issued on the credit of the
county, it enabled County Commissioners to weather the
financial crisis of the Great Depression.
Another bill of a local nature. House Bill 1363,
introduced by Representative Thomas C. Hoyle of Guilford
County, caused Waynick problems. The measure called for a
Public Utility District Corporation for Guilford and
Greensboro; an electric power system controlled by local
government. Against the bill, attorneys, a taxpayers
association and county commissioners solicited Waynick's help
108E.W. Ewbank, Ewbank & Weeks, Hendersonville, to
Waynick, June 23, 1933, Waynick Papers. Mr. Ewbank stated:
"The reign of the pulpiteering potwollopers, and
ecclesiastical mountebanks, sublimated hypocrites and
crucifying bigots, valve-in-head fanatics, and compound-
reciprocating reformers, hydrocephalous humbugs and snooping
snollygosters who are going to save the world for Christ by
emptying the churches and filling the jails is about to come
to an end the jog-along-to-Jesus-or-to-jail regime is
dying fast, thank God!"
109„Summary of Laws Passed, Senate Career of Capus Miller
Waynick", n.d. , 4, Waynick Papers.
59
to "put the bill in cold ..110storage. Representing Duke Power
Company and North Carolina Public Service Company, the firm of
Hines and Boren pointed out both power companies generously
operated street cars and buses in Greensboro and at a
considerable loss. Adopting the bill would be embarrasing to
both companies. 111 Insurance companies also requested Waynick
kill the measure citing exhorbitant liability premiums for a
private 112venture such as this. The Legislative Committee of
Guilford County Tax Payers Association and the Board of
Commissioners of Guilford County both lobbied against the bill,
reminding Waynick of Duke's investments in the 113county.
Although Waynick supported the bill and faced the wrath of
Guilford's economic elite, the measure failed to pass its third
reading in the House.
The General Assembly adjourned on May 11, 1933 and Waynick
returned to High Point. He could review his accomplishments
110Julius C. Smith, Law Firm of Smith, Wharton and
Hudgins, Greensboro, to Waynick, April 24, 1933, Waynick
Papers.
IllCharles A. Hines, Law Firm of Hines and Boren,
Greensboro, to Waynick, April 23, 1933, Waynick Papers.
112W.C.A. Hemmel, Regional Agent, The Travelers
Insurance Group, Greensboro, to Waynick, April 24, 1933;
Julian Price, President Jefferson Standard Life Insurance
Company, Greensboro, to Waynick, April 22, 1933, Waynick
Papers.
113..Resolution", Legislative Committee of the Guilford
County Tax Payers Association to Waynick, April 26, 1933;
George L. Stansbury, Chairman of the Board of County
Commissioners, Guilford County, to Waynick, April 26, 1933,
Waynick Papers.
60
while in Raleigh with pride and some regret. But public
service did not end at the county line and once home, he
yielded to the wishes of Mrs. W.T. Bost and accepted a position
on the Guilford County Board of the North Carolina State Board
of Charities and Public Welfare. 114 County Welfare Boards
dispensed charity including a small dole and often times
employment opportunity. Waynick's support for the welfare
department during the recent legislature and his political
contacts earned him the position. 115 Labor unrest continued in
the High Point area; Waynick did not escape from it, especially
since the Guilford County Welfare Board became involved.
The Welfare Board, because of dwindling state funds, cut
wages forty cents a day for relief work. 116 To protest the
114Mrs. W.T. Bost to Waynick, May 26, 1933, Waynick
Pape rs.
115 Ibid. Prior to 1933, relief in North Carolina was a
minor role of government. The state and counties together
cared for a relatively small number of dependents. Private
organizations, charities and churches helped most in need.
With the dislocation of a great number of workers and their
dependents during the Depression, Governor Gardner, in 1930,
organized an emergency committee to study a plan for relief.
In 1932 this Council was reorganized and enlarged to coordinate
state, federal and local efforts at relief. Feeling its way on
uncharted seas, the Council distributed minimal aid (i.e. food
and clothing) and employed some recipients on small-scale
community projects (i.e. improvements of school grounds and
city parks). In 1933, North Carolina Federated Council spent
an average of $19.53 per relief client. See Kirk, 41-42.
116 A. W. McAllister, President, North Carolina Federated
Council, State Board of Charities and Public Welfare, to
Waynick, March 14, 1933, Waynick Papers. North Carolina paid
originally $.50 a day for unskilled to $2.50 a day for skilled
labor. No figures are available for wages paid in the Guilford
County area.
61
measure, Lawrence Hogan, a representative of the Full Fashioned
Hosiery Workers of High Point, and I.M. Ritchie, secretary of
the Central Labor Union and president of Local 1703 of the
United Textile Workers, formed the High Point Unemployment
League and met with the Welfare Board to make certain fair and
just requests. According to Hogan, the welfare board operated
under the control of local politicians. To discourage the
League, certain armed thugs, known to the High Point Police,
kidnapped, and beat unmercifully, Ritchie, mistaking him for
Hogan. 117 D.V. Bradley, leader of the 1932 strikes in the High
Point area and now president of a local company union, together
with manufacturers, police, and city officials worked together
in a reign of terror against the league and its members. 118
Hogan reported that Waynick, together with civic leaders and
politicians in the High Point area, branded him a Communist,
and despite all his protestations, Waynick persisted in
spreading the 119rumor. Finally with the arrest of the
kidnappers, the League worked to have the trial moved to
117 Lawrence Hogan to United States Senator Josiah
Bailey, April 8, 1933; Thad Pages, Secretary of the United
States Senate Committee on Finance, to Ehringhaus, April 11,
1933, J.C.B. Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 103, North
Carolina Division of Archives and History, Raleigh.
118 Lawrence Hogan to Dr. Albert Keister, Department of
Economics, North Carolina College for Women, Greensboro, April
19, 1933, Waynick Papers; "The Truth About the High Point
Unemployment League Holiday", n.d • / Ehringhaus Gubernatorial
Papers, Box 103, Raleigh.
119 Lawrence Hogan to Dr. Albert Keister, April 19, 1933,
Waynick Papers.
62
Greensboro, away from the "controlled" High Point area. But as
the trial never took place, High Point elite most probably
settled the matter behind closed doors. Waynick abstained from
comment on the subject, indicative of his political acumen, amd
maybe embarrassment. 120some
Waynick remained in High Point about a month, working with
welfare officials and resuming duties at the High Point
Enterprise. Before the new year, however, he embarked upon
another public service adventure. Although his support for the
state sales tax would doom his re-election to the Senate in
1935, his support for the Ehringhaus administration kept him in
favor with the inner circle of North Carolina politics and
secured for him a position in the New Deal. With his friends
and contacts in politics, industry, labor, and the press,
Waynick proved a viable choice by Governor Ehringhaus as State
Director of the National Reemployment Service. Designed as a
temporary agency to facilitate employment on Emergency Relief
Administration projects, and later to include Civil Works
Administration projects, Waynick directed the service
implementing New Deal policies and placating North Carolina
poli t ic os. Drawing upon his experience, old friends and favors
120Only one reference was found to Hogan among
Waynick's papers. A note scribbled on the letter from Hogan
to Albert Keister read: "thought you might be interested in
knowing what he (Hogan) thinks of you!" Copy of Bailey
letter to Ehringhaus, April 11, 1933, in the Waynick Papers,
no mention of the incident appeared in either the Enterprise
or the Greensboro Daily News.
63
from political bedfellows, Waynick would maneuver to make his
tenure in office relatively successful.
CHAPTER III
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT SERVICE
Franklin Delano Roosevelt took the oath of office on March
4, 1933, and proceeded, in the next fifteen weeks, to alter the
old order through an unprecedented program of legislation.
Grappling with the economic problems of modern life, the
Administration, with consent of the first Hundred Days
Congress, passed legislation that directly affected the
American populace. 1 This New Deal included an agenda of
government-industry cooperation, welfare for farmers and the
unemployed, a spending program of public works, banking reforms
and an assistance program to avoid farm and home mortgage
O
defaults. The New Deal recognized that an entire population
could not go begging in the streets while economic forces
slowly adjusted to produce better times. Roosevelt steered a
course to correct this economic fallacy and Capus Miller
Waynick directed a New Deal agency that reflected the same
philosophy.
During the Hundred Days, from March 9th through June 16,
1933, Congress passed and Roosevelt signed legislation to
combat depression conditions. An Act to maintain the credit of
the United States government, passed on March 20, brought a bit
of conservative economies to government. The Civilian
^William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin Delano Roosevelt and
the New Deal (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), 33 1.
^Ibid. , 61.
65
Conservation Corps, (C.C.C.), established on March 31, sought
to reduce unemployment and improve long-neglected natural
resources. Although limited to unmarried men aged eighteen to
twenty-five, from relief families. the Corps enrolled 300,000
men by July 1933, and by 1934 would contribute to a stabilizing
effect.^ The Agricultural Adjustment Act, (A.A.A.),
established on May 12, along with the Federal Emergency Relief
Administration, (F.E.R.A.), provided subsidies to farmers and
channeled direct aid to state relief organizations.
Rehabilitation of the Tennessee Valley began on May 18 with the
Tennessee Valley Authority (T.V.A.), which was designed to
provide cheap electric power for the area, control flooding.
encourage industry in the area and introduce soil-conservation
measures. Extending a proposition begun during World War I,
the T.V.A. would become one of the most successful and enduring
of New Deal accomplishments.^
Responding to the financial fiasco. Congress acted on May
27, producing the Securities Act of 1933, a measure preventing
corporations from issuing worthless stock and requiring
companies to provide relevant financial information on their
corporate status. The Home Owners Loan Corporation,
established on June 13, enabled the governments to buy up
D. Duane Cummins and William Gee White, Contrasting
Decades; The 1920's and the 1930's (New York; Benzier, 1972),
214-215; Harry L. Hopkins, Spending to Save (New York; W.W.
Norton & Company, Inc., 1936), 129.
^Cummings and White, 222-223.
66
mortgages and finance notes managable to the borrower. The
Glass-Steagal1 Bank Act of June 16, pulled the reins on
speculation in the stockmarket by the banking community and
created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, which
guaranteed individual bank deposits in certified banks. The
last measure of the hundred days Congress, the National
Industrial Recovery Act, (N.I.R.A.), passed on June 1 6 , 1933 ,
attempted to put people back to work. The Act, designed to put
industry on its feet again, involved a two-pronged attack.
Title I, the National Recovery Administration, (N.R.A.),
sought to foster joint industry-labor cooperation. Title II,
responsible for administering a massive program of public
works, was operated by the Public Works Administration.
Either evolution or revolution, labor, industry and capital.
along with financiers and farmers would experience the federal
government directly.
Waynick's agency, the National Reemployment Service,
exemplified this direct interaction. Working through local
committees and reemployment offices, Waynick connected the
unemployed with jobs on federal projects as well as private
industry. Trying to avoid a patronage system and cognizant the
economy operated above a local or regional level, Waynick
sought to lay the groundwork for a purely free national
employment service.^
^Capus Miller Waynick to W. Frank Pearsons, October 15,
1934, The United States Employment Service, Record Group 183,
Box 1418, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
67
As the New Deal legislation and Franklin Delano
Roosevelt's leadership replaced despair with hope and a sense
of belonging, programs started in the spring and summer of 1933
began addressing the problems of the Depression. Neve rtheless,
relief rolls continued to swell and there remained the needy
unemployed not on work relief. The necessity to employ these
workers, as soon as possible with the coming of winter and the
increase in unemployment after the harvest, spawned the drive
for an employment network; a cooperative federal-state venture
to catalogue the unemployed and distribute job information. On
June 6, 1933, Congress enacted Senate Bill 510 which created
the United States Employment Service, a national cooperative
employment service within the Department of Labor.^ Abolishing
the ad hoc, scattered employment service then in existence, the
U.S. Employment Service would establish offices in every state
by working in tandem with state officials in cost-sharing and
maintaining systems of public employment. To assist in
providing labor for the public works projects, designed by the
Public Works Administration, (P.W.A.), the U.S. Employment
Service organized the National Reemployment Service. The
National Reemployment Service would provide a service to the
unemployed and the employer by filling available jobs on
^National Cooperative Employment Service. (Chapter 49)
Statutes at Large, XLVIII, pt. 1 , 113-1 17 ( 1933).
68
contracts for public works.^ In tune with the philosophy of
the program, Waynick, while directing the North Carolina
National Reemployment Service from August 1933 to November 15,
1934, registered 300,000 unemployed and secured temporary
employment on Civil Works Projects for 59,122. 8
Conceived as a temporary agency to deal with an
"emergency" period of some five months duration, Waynick's
employment service extended beyond sixteen months as Public
Works Administration projects continued. In the process.
Waynick established a well-manned organization, guarding the
statutory rights of the unemployed and furnishing a nucleus for
a permanent free employment system.^ Hence, he completed an
initial idea and aim of the Progressive reformers of the
twentieth century.
The federal government had grappled with the problem of
unemployment for decades. The United States Employment Service
United States Department of Labor, Guide to the
Organization and Operation of Reemployment Offices
(Washington, D.C.; Government Printing Office, 1933), 1-2.
8Waynick, "Memoir", X, 1, Waynick Papers; J.S. Kirk, ed..
Emergency Relief in North Carolina (New York: Edwards and
Broughton Company, 1936), 73. The Service registered 326,542
by April 28, 1934, placing workers on C. W.A. projects.
Beginning December 1, 193 3, employment on C.W.A. projects was
split between those on relief and those just "unemployed". The
peak of employment under CWA reached 78,360 at the close of CWA
operations on February 15, 1934.
Q
U.S. Congress, House Committee on Labor, Hearings on
H.R. 4559. A Bill to Provide for the Establishment of a
National Employment System for Cooperation with the States in
the Promotion of Such System, and for oth¥r Purposes, 73d
Cong., 1st se ss • t 19 3 3, I, 3-4; Statutes at Large, XLVIII, pt.
1 , 113-117.
69
and Waynick's agency exemplified the revelation that the
economy was national, beyond local and regional influence.
Labor, like industry, needed to be served at the national
leve1. This initial idea for a nation-wide employment network
began early in 1914. Victor Murdock, a Congressman from the
State of Kansas, introduced House Bill 16130, calling for a
Bureau of Employment to be created in the Department of Labor.
Simple and direct, the bureau would provide a central clearing
house in Washington and a network of free labor agencies in
industrial and commercial centers throughout the country.
Charged with investigating and issuing licenses to private
employment agencies doing an interstate employment business.
the bureau would also make further recommendations with a view
of lessening unemployment or taking up the slack in the labor
supply by bringing the men in need of a job to the job that is
avaliable. 10
The running progressive argument, outlined by a national
conference of unemployment held at New York City in February of
1914, argued the United States needed a federated system to
deal effectively with the growing problem of unemployment in a
national 11economy aggravated by the increase in immigration.
While industrialization and modernization created unemployment
10U.S. Congress, House Committee on Labor, National
Employment Bureau, Hearings on H.R. 16130. A Bill to
Establish i n the Department o f Labor a Bureau to be Known a s
the Bureau of Employment and for Other Purposes, 63d Cong • /
2d sess., 1’914.
11New York Times, April 30, 1914.
70
for Americans in general, immigrants confined to the urban
centers of the East, "stacked up," resulting in urban
overcrowding and enhancing inherent problems of the city.
Outmigration from rural America compounded the problem. 12
Modeled after the Murdock Bill, Congress created an
Employment Bureau that opened in January of 1915. 13 Three
federal departments participating in the Bureau included the
Department of Labor, the Department of Agriculture, and the
Immigration Bureau. Expanding to include farm workers, but
existing only on the basis of a need, the bureau operated in
twenty-four 14states by 1929.
World War I alleviated somewhat the scourge of
unemployment, but with the armistice and increased immigration
after 1919, the Harding Administration faced the dilemma of
jobless Americans. Herbert Hoover, Secretary of Commerce,
coordinated a conference seeking to alleviate unemployment by
bringing about a better understanding between employer and
12U.S. Congress, House Committee on Labor, Hearings on
H.R. 16130. A Bill to Establish in the Department of Labor a
Bureau to be Known as the Bureau of Employment, and for Other
Purposes, 63d Cong • / 2d S~ess., 1914, pt. 1, 26-30, 38-40;
New York Evening Post, June 22, 1912; New York Times, May 20,
1912, February 26, 1914. ~
13New York Times, January 10, 1915.
14 Ibid. March 28, July 15, 1915; U.S. Congress, Senate
Committee on Commerce Hearings on S.B. 2678. The National
Employment System, 72d Cong., 1st sess • t 1932, 5. A bill was
proposed to ease unemployment in the cities, The measure
called for the federal government to secure farm land and move
the unemployed out of the urban centers. Wilson favored the
measure, however, he believed it would not pass the Congress.
No mention of this bill was located in government documents.
71
employee. Hoover made the scope national with representatives
1 S
of labor, government and capital. Hoover believed the
intelligence and influence of the participants could bring
about a feasible program, however, he noted it was neither the
desire nor the power of the federal government to enforce such
16
a program.
Advisory committees to the conference presented ideas to
alleviate unemployment over the winter of 1921-1922, by
developing industrial efficiency thus eliminating waste,
stimulating foreign trade, and studying business cycles of boom
and slumps. 17 Nevertheless, the question of unemployment.
viewed as a temporary emergency situation aggravated by postwar
readjustment, dominated the conference. Secretary of Labor,
James J. Davis, on advice from the conference, urged
reclamation projects to aid unemployment. Asking Congress for
appropriations to expand the Federal Employment Service (now
operating on a skeleton basis), the Secretary pointed out the
necessity for more local employment agencies and permanent
relief 1 0from unemployment. In response, the federal
15New York Times, August 29, 1921. Included at the
converence was Charles M. Schwab of Bethlehem Steel
Corporation, Samuel Gompers of the American Federation of
Labor, and Harold N. Robinson, President of the Los Angeles
Trust Company.
16 New York Times, September 27, 1921.
17Herbert Hoover, The Memoirs of Herbert Hoover; The
Cabinet and the Presidency, 1920-1933 (New York; The
MacMillan Company, 1952), 44-45.
^^New York Times, October 11, 1921.
72
response, the federal government coooperated with state and
municipal governments to increase public works, and by the
spring of 1922, the economy began to recover and unemployment
no longer commanded a spotlight.
The conference, considered a success, focused public
attention on unemployment for the first time. Municipal relief
committees, organized on a nation-wide scale, congressional
action, through appropriations for public works, and private
industrial initiative cooperated to eliminate some
? n
unemployment. However, the jobless continued to haunt the
decade and the crash in 1929 and the ensuing depression
accentuated their numbers and importance.
Conservative estimates place the number of persons
unemployed in the United States by January 1930 at nearly four
million. By December, approximately seven million additional
persons entered the ranks of the unemployed. Two months later
the number doubled. 21 Responding to the problem. United States
Senator Robert F. Wagner of New York introduced Senate Bill
3060 for the relief of unemployment based on the
recommendations of the Hoover Conference of 1921. The bill
passed the Senate and the House Judiciary Committee,
1 Q
Hoover, 46.
^*^New York Times, December 17, 1921.
21 Arthur E. Burns, and Edward A. Williams Federal Work,
Security and Relief Programs (New York: DaCapo Press, 1971),
XI i .
73
however it remained in the House Rules Committee for seven
months. 22
The Wagner proposal called for the abolition of the
United States Employment Service allowing federal and state
cooperation under a director general. Not excluding those
states without an employment service, the Wagner bill enabled
the director to establish a federal agency without prior state
initiative. The Hoover Administration, responding to the
Wagner bill, introduced a separate measure enlarging the
existing U.S. Employment Service, keeping the service under the
Department of Labor and not in direct cooperation with state
employment offices. Wagner, challenging the proposal, argued
Hoover's plan rejected the principle of state responsibility
and embarked the United States federal government on a program
it could not perform alone, By keeping the service all
federal, Wagner quibbled patronage would increase. The House
Judiciary Committee accepted the Administration proposal as a
substitute for the Wagner bill, but the full House rejected the
Administration bill with Republicans joining Democrats in
passing the Wagner plan. 25 Sent to Hoover on February 24, the
22New York Times, February 16, 1931.
23 Ibid., February 20, 1931.
^'^Ibid.
^^Ibid. , February 21, 23, 24, 193 1.
74
President pocket-vetoed the measure, claiming the bill to be a
"blow to labor. .,26
President Hoover justified his veto by reports from
Attorney General William D. Mitchell and Secretary of Labor
W.N. Doak. Hoover argued Wagner's bill, creating forty-eight
practically independent agencies each under state control and
with the federal government paying fifty percent of the
operating cost, based itself not upon economic need of the
particular state, but upon mathematical ratio to population.
clearly not in line with the recommendations of the Hoover
Conference of 1921. 27 Senator Wagner charged the bill did
line-up with Hoover's often-expressed views that local
initiative and responsibility be conserved and strengthened.
and that the federal government should not displace but
supplement and encourage local action, when necessary, by
faciliating cooperation between states. Wagner vowed not to
make this initiative p Othe last to ease unemployment. Others
criticized the Hoover veto, including Frances Perkins, State
Director for Employment of the State of Mew York, William
Green, President of the American Federation of Labor, and
members of the Progressive Conference including Mary Beard,
^^Ibid., March 8, 1931.
27New York Times, March 8, 1931.
^^Ibid.
75
Gifford Pinchot, Robert M. LaFollette, George W. Norris and
Edwin R. Rankin.
True to his word, Senator Wagner re-introduced the measure
in the first session of the 72d Congress and hearings began
again on March 24, 1932, before the Senate Committee on
Commerce. 30 Wagners' arguments centered more prominently on
the idea that the economy, now and then, is purely a national
matter. Encompassing the concerns for veterans, including
farm-placement service, hawking the ability of a national
employment service to reduce duplication and competition of
current state-federal offices, Wagner lined-up pragmatic.
progressive-minded citizens on a Joint Committee on
Unemployment to criticize the Administration stand. 31 Members
of the committee included John Dewey of Columbia University,
Rev. John A. Ryan of the National Catholic Welfare Conference,
Dr. Edward L. Israel of the Central Conference of American
Rabbis, and Sidney E. Goldstein and Leroy E. Bowman of the New
York City Affairs Committee. Rabbi Israel, reaching back.
criticized President Coolidge and former Secretary Mellon
charging "they watched us run headlong into destruction." But
as testimony continued through the summer, several other
measures introduced by Senator Wagner commanded the attention
Ibid. , March 10, 11, 12, 1931.
^^U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Commerce, Hearings
on S.B. 2687. National and State Employment Service. 72d
Cong., 1st sess • / 193 2.
31 Ibid.; New York Times, April 1, May 1, 1932.
76
of Congress and Senate Bill 2687, placed on the back burner
simmered until May of 193 3, when iSIew Deal momentum carried the
73d Congress 32to approve the measure.
Re-introduced in the Hundred Days Congress, as Senate Bill
510, the measure immediately passed the Senate on May 30, 1933.
A House version of the bill, HR 4559, introduced by
Representative Theodore A. Peyser, also of the State of New
York, produced hearings before the Committee of Labor May 17-
18, 1933. Testimony for the bill, reflecting Administration
approval, came from Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins, Rose
Schneiderman, President of the National Women's Trade Union
League of America, Belle Sherwin of the National League of
Women Voters, Edward F. McGrady of the American Federation of
Labor, John T. Taylor of the American Legion, L.S. Ray, Vice-
Chairman of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, Thomas Kirby of the
Disabled American Veterans, and John Arthur Shaw of the
Veterans' Employment Service. 33 The House reported favorably
on the bill, now known as the Wagner-Peyser Bill, only amending
the bill to assure maintenance of the Veteran Service and state
Congressional Record, 72d Congr • r 1st sess • / 1932,
75, pt. 9:9624; Congressional Record, 73rd Cong • t 1st sess • t
1933, 77, pt. 5:4801, 4783, 5055.
33 United States Congress, House Committee on Labor,
Hearings on H.R. 4 5 5 9, H.R. 5 6 , and H. Con. Re s. 17. The
National Employment Service. 73d Cong., 1st sess., 1933.
77
benefits until state legislatures could meet.^*^ The House
recognized the Peyser bill as an expressed wish of the
President, noting that "all men who produce wealth are
eternally dependent upon one another, and that labor and
industry are tied and are a purely a national matter." The
measure passed without objection. Franklin Delano Roosevelt
signed the Wagner-Peyser Bill on June 6, 1933, thus creating
the United States Employment Service. On July 2, 1933, the new
United States Employment Service opened with W. Frank Persons
as Director and an estimated thirteen million citizens
unemployed in the United States.
The National Industrial Recovery Act, in Title II,
provided for the expenditures of large sums of money on
highways and other public works projects with the object of
hastening business recovery by giving jobs to those who would
otherwise be unemployed. To aid in fulfillment of that
purpose, the new United States Employment Serviced organized
the National Reemployment Service. This new service sought to
organize the unemployed and the employer thereby filling jobs
^^U.S. Congress, House Committee on Labor, Hearings on
H.R. 4559. A Bill to Provide for the Establishment of a
National Employment System for Cooperation with the States in
the Promotion of Such System, and for Other Purposes, 73d
Cong'• / 1st sess • / 1933, I, 1-45; Congressional Record, 73d
Cong • / 1st sess • f 1933 , 77, pt. 5 :478 3.
^^Ibid.
^^National Cooperative Employment Service. (Chapter
49) Statutes at Large, XLVIII, pt 1, 113-117; New York
Time"!^ June 7, July 2, 1933.
78
on approved public works projects. With these objectives
clearly defined, Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins and U.S.
Employment Service Director W. Frank Persons, along with the
State officials began naming State Directors for the National
Reemployment Service.
Since North Carolina congressmen unanimously approved the
Wagner-Peyser measure, and Governor J.C.B. Ehringhaus and State
Commissioner of Labor Major Albert L. (Bob) Fletcher eagerly
sought federal appropriations under Title II of the National
Industrial Recovery Act to improve the States economy, the
choice of director for North Carolina's service commanded their
attention. Ehringhaus, Fletcher, North Carolina Senator Robert •
Reynolds, and Ronald Wilson, Executive Assistant to North
Carolina Emergency Federal Relief Administrator Mrs. Thomas
O'Berry, submitted several names to Pearson for consideration.
Waynick, Fletcher's first choice, proved "acceptable to labor.
relief and welfare," although he "had not been tried out as an
executive." 37 Avoiding any charge of nepotism, Reynolds
nominated John Paul Lucas of Charlotte for the position. As
President of the Southern Utilities Company, Lucas proved to be
a good organizer, "ok" with labor, good in the public relations
3 8
department, and he would work without a salary. Others
37Scribbled note, Ronald E. Wilson to W. Frank Pearson
n.d. R.G. 183, Box 1418, N.A. Wilson stated in the note that
Fletcher said Waynick needed a salary of $250.00 a month.
^^Ibid. As for the question of nepotism, Robert (Our Bob)
Reynolds and Elizabeth Waynick were first cousins.
79
nominated for the directorship included Frank P. Graham,
President of the University of North Carolina, Edwin R. Rankin,
on the faculty at the University of North Carolina, John P.
Wilkins of Greensboro, former director of the American Red
Cross in the State, and a second Reynolds nominee, his 1932
o Q
Senate campaign manager, David L. Strain.
Time being an important factor, by July 12 the list
narrowed to Lucas and Waynick. The next day, in a telephone
conversation with Ronald Wilson, Waynick stated he wanted the
position and haggled for a monthly salary of $400. Pearson
finally approved Waynick's appointment on the evening of July
13 with salary set at $350.^*^ At the national level. North
Carolina Senator Josiah Bailey endorsed Waynick's appointment
to Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins, and Governor Ehringhaus
concurred announcing the Waynick selection on July 25, 1933.
With forty-seven other State Directors, and national
headquarters staff, Waynick joined in a nation-wide effort to
O Q
Ibid. Graham, hospitalized at Duke, was eliminated from
competition. No comment appears along side the names Rankin or
Wilkins. However, it is noted Strain was helpful to
Reynolds during his senatorial campaign, but Fletcher was not
endorsing Strain's nomination.
^*^Note, July 13 A.M. and July 13 P.M., ibid. Waynick also
indicated he would work from Raleigh rather than High Point,
and that he would be ready to go July 17. Pearson noted
Waynick was a "very able man, apparently." Waynick held out
for a salary of $400 a month- Pearson advised Wilson "too
much, but will go $350". Hence, the deal concluded.
“^^Raleigh News and Observer, July 25, 1933; Josiah W.
Bailey to Waynick, July 20, 1933; copy, Bailey to Frances
Perkins, July 20, 1933; Waynick to Bailey, August 10, 1933,
Waynick Papers.
80
conquer unemployment with employment. Counseling with State
Commission of Labor Fletcher and State Relief Administrator of
the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (F.E.R.A.), Mrs.
Annie O'Berry, Waynick set about to find employment for the
jobless in North Carolina.
Even though Fletcher strongly supported Waynick as
director of the New Deal agency, Waynick's connection with
State government, his system of contacts provided by his
newspaper experience and the "fair" attitude and treatment of
labor and industry, as evidenced by the strike negotiations of
1932, most probably assured his choice for the position. Aware
that the agency would act on an interrelated local, regional.
and national economy, Waynick accepted the challenge and opened
his control office in the Department of Agriculture in Raleigh
on August 1, 1933. Committed to opening one hundred offices.
composed of prominent and public-spirited citizens, Waynick
embarked to secure employment for $11,000,000 worth of public
works projects outlined by the State Highway and Public Works
Commission. Not a charity proposition, the National
Reemployment Service sought to put people back to work.
restoring purchasing power. Although no one could project how
many people could be returned to gainful occupation, federal
guidelines dictated the agency be temporary, scheduled to last
at least five months.
'^^"What about all of this Reemployment?", The State,
(August 5, 1933), 5? Raleigh News and Observer, July 25, 193 3.
81
North Carolina, as many other states in the Union,
provided several answers to unemployment relief, Priva te
agencies and local government in North Carolina offered some
relief, but by 1932 the federal government became the major
source of help. 43 Unemployment increased from 29,000 heads of
families in 1930 to 144,193 by late 1932, representing one-
sixth of all workers in the state. In the short period from
1929-1933, North Carolina thus learned that unemployment relief
required solutions that could be mustered from private, local,
state, and federal services. At the national level, leaders
decided by the summer of 1933, the country needed more and
better quality relief. The Public Works Administration,
(P.W.A.), charged with providing many of the jobs for the
unemployed, did not function with great speed because of the
conservative nature of its director, Harold Ickes. Some
emergency measures would be necessary if the government
expected to provide work for millions of unemployed during the
winter of 1933-1934. The Civil Works Administration, (C.W.A.),
appeared to be the panacea. It would be a means of pumping
purchasing power into the economy more quickly than either the
F.E.R.A. or the P.W.A. As work projects under F.E.R.A. proved
too few and unimaginative to provide sufficient and appropriate
^^John L. Bell, Jr. Hard Times; Beginning of the Great
_
Depression in North Carolina, 1929-1933 (Raleigh: North
Carolina De^rtment of Cultural Resources, 1982), 41.
"^^Ibid. , 41, 48.
^^Morgan, 116.
82
work for the many skills represented in the unemployed
population, the new program, with greater federal control.
expected to provide diversification. As an added importance,
the C. W.A. would provide jobs for many not on relief rolls.
Nationally, the C.W.A. started with $400,000,000 in funds
diverted from the P.W.A; the monies to be spent on road
cons truction. To provide employment to four million people
throughout the country, one half of whom would come from relief
rolls, national directives required C.W.A. road projects be
locally sponsored. North Carolina road projects needed
approval by the State Highway and Public Works Commission.
Those projects approved at the state level made their way to
the Federal Bureau of Roads in Washington, D.C. for official
sanction. Besides highway construction, the C.W.A. developed
the Civil Works Service, (C.W.S.), designed to give women work
on C.W.A. projects. These projects included new construction and
rennovation of schools and universities, the construction of
parks, playgrounds and other recreational facilities, rural
community centers and fair grounds, public buildings, cemetery
improvement and repairs, improvement to state and public lands.
water works and water supply, and miscellaneous professional
and clerical work in public offices. From December 1, 1933 to
June 1, 1934, Waynick's North Carolina National Reemployment
^^Ibid., 117.
83
Service placed 106,827 people on C.W.A • t C.W.S. and P.W.A. jobs.
as well as in private industry. 47
Following United States Department of Labor guidelines,
Waynick nominated county committees, made up of prominent and
public spirited residents, to assist him in determining the
nature and extent of the local reemployment service. The
State Reemployment Commission, composed of Waynick,
Commissioner of Labor Fletcher, and acting State Director of
Relief, Ronald B. Wilson, cleared Waynick's nominees for
placement on the committees.
Waynick maintained the federal government needed to
provide direct relief, however, he felt no one wanted nor should
allow government to keep them - "on the dole." The philosophy
of the National Reemployment Service, in keeping with federal
goals and guidelines, substituted well paid employment for
relief. According to Waynick, the federal government needed to
intervene when unregulated capitalism broke down under the
weight of its natural autogenous weakness. Using the Wake
County Reemployment Office as a model, Waynick began the
arduous work of composing reemployment offices throughout the
State. As federal projects came on line, reemployment offices
47Kirk, 13.
4 ft
United States Department of Labor, Guide to the
Organization and Operation of Reemployment Office (Washington,
D. C. ; Government Printing Office, 193 3) , 3 .
^^Raleigh News and Observer, August 2,3, 1933.
^^Ibid. , August 15 , 1933.
84
organized in response. Although Waynick endeavored to operate
the agency in an efficient and professional manner, he did not
escape criticism.
During Waynick's tenure as director, he dealt with wage-
scale controversies, charges of patronage and favoritism to
Republicans, material shortages, and an attempt by federal
officials to dump the Reemployment Service on the P.W.A. and
Harold Ickes. Despite the charges of maleficence and the
political fall-out suffered by working closely with the
apolitical O'Berry, Waynick weathered the storm and managed a
resourceful, relatively successful New Deal agency.
CHAPTER IV
NEW DEAL ADMINISTRATOR
Capus Miller Waynick, chosen by Commissioner of Labor A.
L. Fletcher to direct North Carolina National Reemployment
Service, rose to the challenge and established a network of
offices throughout the State. By December 1, 1933, Waynick
completed the project setting up over one hundred offices
staffed by community-minded residents representing labor.
industry, welfare and relief. (See Table I) Working closely
with Mrs. Annie L. O'Berry, State Director of the North
Carolina Emergency Relief Administration and later appointed as
the State Director of the Federal Civil Works Administration,
Waynick attempted to stem the problems of unemployment. Amid
charges of political corruption and patronage, wage-scale
controversies, and contract improprieties, Waynick and O'Berry,
surpassed the original federal employment quota of 68,000
persons alloted to North Carolina for work on Civil Works
projects.^ Waynick's interlocking network of county re-
employment offices thus served as the basis for the North
Carolina State Employment Service. A temporary New Deal agency
then became institutionalized, fulfilling one the original aims
of the 1933 federal Wagner-Peyser Act.
Following guidelines as provided by the United States
Department of Labor and the United States Employment Service,
^Kirk , 73.
86
Waynick established offices according to local unemployment
levels. This included location of the office, number of staff
employees and responsibilities for office managers. Inhibited
by a small operating budget, many offices operated with
voluntary personnel; clerical staff received salaries. County
Committees representing labor, industry, relief and welfare
cooperated with Waynick spreading employment opportunity. The
Service operated under the supervision of a State Board
composed of the Commissioner of Labor Albert L. Fletcher,
Director of State Relief Ronald B. Wilson, Administrator of
Public Works John M. Coleman, and State Highway Commissioner
E.B. Jeffress. The State Board acted as a clearing house.
forwarding approved work-relief road projects to Washington,
D.C. where federal officials formalized the distribution of
North Carolina's $11,000,000 allotment.^ (See Table II)
Waynick divided the State into sections and appointed
supervisors to direct efforts in their respective areas.
Waynick selected W.F. George of Fayetteville to supervise
the eastern agricultural section, Mrs. May Thompson Evans of
High Point the West, and Miss Harriet L. Herring of the
Institute of Social Research of the University of North
Raleigh News ^ Observer, July 25, 193 3.
87
Carolina to compile statistics.^ Waynick later increased their
powers to arbitrate disputes within their assigned region.
As projects cleared approval at the State and Federal
level, monies filtered down and Waynick's National
Reemployment Service responded by providing applicants for the
first projects let in August 1933. But as the wheels of
bureaucracy slowly turned to approve project requests, fiscal
problems and the struggle over control of the service surfaced
at the national level. As State Reemployment Offices came on
line, budget requests swamped officials in Washington. By the
first of August, the exorbitant amounts requested by state
directors embarrassed Federal Emergency Relief officials.
According to federal directives, the F.E.R.A. and the P.W.A.
jointly funded the newly created service, but appropriation
requests exceeded amounts anticipated by F.E.R.A. Administrator
Harry L. Hopkins."^ By mid-August, standing fast, Hopkins
ruffled the feathers of many state directors approving an
May Thompson Evans, "Oral History Interview: May
Thompson Evans", East Carolina Manuscript Collection, J.Y.
Joyner Library, East Carolina University, (Greenville, 1981),
26; Walter Burr, Associate of the National Reemployment
Serv ice, to Waynick, August 24, 1933, R.G. 183, Box 1235,
N.A.; Raleigh |^ws and Observer, August 11, 1933. George, Evans
and Herring receTved a salary of $150 a month, an amount set by
the United States Employment Service.
?^Telegram, Harry L. Hopkins to Federal Emergency Relief
Administration Field Representatives, August 2, 1933, Works
Projects Administration, "Federal Emergency Relief
Administration Old Subject File", Record Group 69, Box 59,
National Archives, Washington, D.C. Hopkins advised field
representatives to "bring requests under general lines, large
states not to exceed $3500 per month, small states $2000 and
$1000 respectively."
88
overall operating budget of $85,310.00.^ (See Table III)
Waynick, arguing over budget allowances himself, settled for
$2500 a month, considerably less than he initially requested,
but continued to create reemployment offices throughout the
state.^
Hopkins and his aides pondered the question of using the
existing relief agencies to establish employment services as
work relief projects. ?^dvantages included the use of quite a
few technical white collar people, direct influence in reducing
relief by "digging up" employment opportunities, and
establishing reemployment offices free from political
influence. The disadvantages included the carrying by relief
of an agency that should be a permanent public function and
establishing an agency while the Relief Administration lasts
^Ibid., "Approved Budgets," August 17, 1933.
^Telegrams, Ronald B. Wilson to Hopkins, August 2, 1933;
Jacob Baker to Wilson, August 3, 1933; Wilson to Baker, August
3 , 193 3 ; Hopkins to Wilson, August 1 4 , 193 3 , "F.E.R.A. Old
Subject File," R.G. 69, Box 60, N.A. Wilson advised Hopkins
"N.C. needs $8000 a month to operated offices, per Waynick.",
Baker replied for Hopkins and stated "you can use volunteer
personnel. Set-up budget at $1200-2000 a month. More 1"
Wilson replied again, "Waynick requires no less than $6000 a
month." Hopkins responded, "Approved budget at $2500 for the
next three months only. Need local addresses and locations of
each office, salary paid each manager, $ of misc. spent in each
office and a monthly statement on the number employed, the
number of work relief employed at each office." Waynick to W.
Frank Persons, U.S. Employment Service, July 29, 1933, Waynick
Papers. Waynick admitted to Persons his budget request was
liberal. The initial request included the "salary for the
Director for one and one-half months, while all other employees
are listed for the one month's pay." Waynick stated he hoped
to operate well within the budget.
89
and leaving nothing after the emergency passes.”^ Yielding to
the need for the service to be permanent, Hopkins
administration worked in tandem with the Reemployment Service,
responsible to the United States Employment Service.
Cooperation with the agencies, however, continued to cause
Hopkins problems.
At a conference of State Directors for the National
Reemployment Service, held in Indianapolis September 30 to
October 1, 1933, Waynick and his cohorts stated they remained
unsatisfied with monthly budget allowances. Federal officials
were alarmed when it became evident the political appointees
made little use of clerical and professional work relief
recipients. Adding to the problem, Waynick's superior, W.
Frank Pearson, stated reemployment offices intended to make
their registrations on a fifty-fifty basis, as opposed to
"^Ibid., Memo, Baker to Hopkins, August 31, 193 3.
90
filling half the work project jobs with relief roll clients. 8
Diverting $100,000 a month from relief to operate the
Reemployment Service appeared hard to justify, and the
registration and placement figures furnished by Waynick and
Q
fellow directors supported that conclusion.^ (See Table IV and
Table V)
The number of North Carolina families receiving work
relief decreased dramatically by September 1933, while
registration at Waynick's Reemployment Serviced reached
8 Ibid. , Memo, Baker to Hopkins, October 5, 1933. Baker
wanted to back out of the service no later than November 1,
1933. He felt the benefits of the Reemployment Service to the
F.E.R.A. proved very tenuous, as many directors "are out to
make a name for themselves and they are denying relief clients
a chance, afraid they (relief clients) will fall down."
Reviewing the placement lists, less than 10% came from relief
lists and Baker noted that there seems to be an attitude that
very few should be referred from relief lists. Another
problem, argued Baker, appeared to be the frank evasion of, and
lack of insistence upon the rules with regard to union labor.
Although the conference discussed union labor, no guidelines
were given to the state administrators in the way of policy
statements. Baker came to this conclusion after meeting with
Reemployment Directors at the conference in Indianapolis.
Baker's solution: "argue this administration acted as a stop-
gap; that any money diverted from relief appropriations is
watched very carefully and is likely to be subjected to
emotional rather than rational judgement." In other words,
dump it on Ickes.
^William H. Savin, National Reemployment Service, to
Baker, October 5, 1933, ibid. Savin also was aware of the
questionable conduct of some directors. He advised Baker "I am
sure you will be inclined to question a number of the
individual figures. Please regard this information as
confidential. "
91
56,359. 10 On November 9, 1933, seeing the early signs of a
potentially devastating winter, Roosevelt signed Executive
Order 6420-B establishing the Civil Works Administration,
(C.W.A.). Operating entirely as a federal agency, with Hopkins
at the helm. National Reemployment Directors followed stricter
guidelines employing workers on expanded federal projects. With
North Carolina receiving $11,000,000 for road projects, Waynick
beefed-up efforts to get all reemployment offices on-line and
operating. But the scent of big federal monies also stirred
the patronage seekers and Waynick, aware of the system and its
significance, acquiesced in certain instances. 11 Nevertheless,
trying to keep his service free of politics as much as
possible, Waynick, more often than not, advised clients on "who
to see" rather than placing them himself.
The nature of the National Reemployment Service changed
with the advent of C.W.A. Waynick's agency no longer placed
10 "Statistics: Number of Families Receiving Relief Work
in North Carolina; June - 35,689, July - 32,085, August -
21,395, September 14,667"; Walter Burr to Julius F. Stone,
Oc tobe r 2 4, 193 3 , "F.E.R.A. Old Subject File", R.G. 69, Box
113, N.A. Figures ending October 1, 1933, North Carolinians
registered - 56,359, number placed - 6,681, number of relief
placed 1,646.
11Senator Robert Reynolds to Waynick, October 3, 1933;
Waynick to Senator Stover Dunnagan, Rutherfordton, November 21,
1933; Waynick to Marcus Erwin, Asheville, November 21, 1933;
telegram, Waynick to Reynolds November 21, 1933; Waynick
Papers. A.L. Fletcher to Ehringhaus, December 23, 1933, J.C.B.
Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 158, North Carolina
Division of Archives and History, Raleigh. Waynick assigned
patronage seekers only minor positions on work projects. As a
second level bureaucrat, he passed on requests of importance to
top level officials. Serious patronage was controlled by the
state executive and Congressional delegation.
92
workers on federally funded projects; it employed people
directly with the federal government. Annie O'Berry, Director
of the State Civil Works Administration, and Waynick now worked
in tandem placing workers on the federal payroll. The C.W.A.
played a vital role in bringing some desperate Americans
through the bitter winter of 1933-1934. But hastily approved
federal projects for the immediate employment of 68,000 North
Carolinians compounded Waynick's administrative problems.
Federal directives now dictated one-half of the state quota, to
come from relief rolls, needed to be placed on projects before
December 1, 193 3. After that date, Waynick's agency needed to
fill the remaining 34,000 positions with unemployed but not "on
relief" victims. 12 In addition, the C.W.A. extended its
authority over the agencies by paying all clerical costs for
the reemployment offices. (See Table VI)
The C.W.A. also changed the method of approving federally
funded projects. With the exception of highway projects, which
still needed sanctioning at the federal level, final approval
for local county projects rested solely with O'Berry and local
relief directors. 13 Projects required a local sponsor, keeping
in line with Harry Hopkins' idea of imaginative programs
providing sufficient and appropriate work for the many skills
12Raleigh News £ Observer, November 17, 1933.
13 Ibid., November 16, 1933.
93
represented in the unemployed population. 14 Waynick's agency,
providing a breakdown on the skills and talent of workers
registered with his service, facilitated O'Berrys' decisions
for equitable projects. But complicating matters, Washington
dictated an additional employment-quota breakdown. Projects
needed to be coordinated so that employment on the projects
reflected a ratio of 75 per cent according to county
population, and 25 15per cent according to relief rolls.
Waynick adjusted the agency to meet the C.W.A. needs. (See
Table VII)
As rumors surfaced that federal funds might evaporate.
Waynick and C.W.A. officials rushed to launch all projects
before December 1, 1933.^^ Waynick cooperated with Hubert P.
Williams, Veterans' Placement Officer for North Carolina,
^'^Thomas Sellers Morgan, Jr., "A Step Toward Altruism;
Relief and Welfare in North Carolina," (Ph.D. diss.. University
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1969), 117-118; Raleigh News
^ Observer, November 16, 1933. Under the C.W.A. new projects
such as pest control, parks and playgrounds, sanitation,
highway and street projects, water supply and general public
improvements were considered as viable projects for communities
to consider.
^^Raleigh News & Observer, November 19, 1933.
^^Ibid., November 21, 1933.
94
ensuring veterans got an opportunity for job assignments. 17
With the C.W.A. operational, Public Works employees now found
themselves on federal payrolls, at a much higher pay rate. (See
Table VIII and IX) This increase in wages encouraged many
folks to register with Waynick's agency, anticipating
employment on Civil Works projects. Those now registering with
the National Reemployment Service included many farmers and
some workers leaving jobs with private industry.^® To counter
this rush for a higher paying job, A.L. Fletcher and the United
States Department of Labor approved a plan to deal with
"industrial misfits" -- those off the farm seeking employment
in the city. The Reemployment Service, to stabilize
conditions, adopted the role of discouraging the migration of
labor from the farm to urban centers. Working with Homer H.B.
Mask of Greensboro, Farm Placement Officer, Waynick coordinated
efforts in joining these "misfits" with farmers seeking to
secure tenants. Hubert Williams cooperated with the service to
17Herbert P. Williams to W. Frank Person, September 20,
193 3; A.L. Fletcher to Pearson, September 28, 1933; Williams to
Pearson December 13, 1933, United States Employment Service,
R.G. 183, Box 828, N.A. All letters concerning Waynicks
treatment of Vets are complimentary. Williams cited conditions
in Statesville, Iredell County bad and noted conditions in
Gastonia as fair. Mr. Williams, an employee of the U.S.
Department of Labor, was on-loan to Fletcher. The National
Reemployment Service gave only veterans preference for job
placement outside the qualification and legal preferences
required by the law.
^^Raleigh News and Observer, November 30, 1933.
95
guard the special privileges of ex-service men.^^ Af ter
operating a small-scale farm placement project successfully in
the Winston-Salem and Greensboro area, Waynick then extended
the program state-wide.
Waynick also grappled with the problem of unemployed
women. While his agency did place some women in clerical
positions with the National Reemployment Service, it provided
only men for jobs on Civil Works projects. An effort.
initiated by Eleanor Roosevelt, sought to open job
p A
opportunities for women in the C.W.A. O'Berry responded
with newly approved projects and Waynick encouraged women to
register with his agency. Waynick commenced registering
^^Ibid. Commissioner of Labor Fletcher conducted a survey
and found many of these industrial misfits wished to return to
the farm. He noted that "I found almost no interest in farms
or gardens on the part of the unemployed who are not of farm
origin. Nearly all of those not of farm origin were solidly
against the idea of going to the farm." Fletched reported to
the Raleigh News and Observer this was a personal survey
conducted by himself and other Department of Labor employees.
2°Ibid • r November 29, 1933. In response to Mrs.
Roosevelt's request, Mrs. O'Berry called a meeting of prominent
club women in North Carolina to discuss the problem and devise
work that would put women back to work. Women meeting with
O'Berry represented the following organizations; Women
Trustees of North Carolina, American Legion Auxiliary of North
Carolina, North Carolina Federation of Women's Clubs, North
Carolina Federation Business and Professional Women's Clubs,
the North Carolina Library Association, North Carolina
Association of Jewish Women, Catholic Daughters of America,
Junior Women's Club, North Carolina Educational Association,
North Carolina State Art Society, North Carolina Folklore
Society, State Literary and Historical Association, North
Carolina Division U.D.C., Young Democrats, North Carolina
Tuberculosis Association, North Carolina Association of
University Women, North Carolina Press Association, North
Carolina Nurses Association, and the American Red Cross.
96
females in December 1933, for Civil Works projects including
typically gender caste work in sewing rooms, museums.
libraries, supervising playground activities, cleaning and
washing duties and clerical work for Civil Works projects. 21
Even though women commanded fifty-one per cent of State E.R.A.
and C. W.A. administrative positions and women as heads of
families accounted for twenty-five percent of relief roll
registrants. wages paid female clients on C.W.A. projects fell
short of subsistence level. 22 (See Table X)
The C.W.A. and the National Reemployment Service compiled
no statistics on blacks or other minorities employed on federal
projects. As the C.W.A. ended and the F.E.R.A. reassumed
responsibility for relief clients, the National Reemployment
Service began recording minority statistics. From July 1, 1934
to June 30, 1935, when the state provided funding for the North
Carolina State Employment Service, Waynick registered 33,110
blacks, or forty-two per cent of all reemployment registrants.
According to National Reemployment Service figures, 42,185
blacks, or one hundred and twenty-seven per cent, received work
on federally funded projects, indicating short-term work and
21Kirk, 256-257.
^^Ibid., 261. Total women on relief by March 28, 1934,
clearly after C.W.A. and C.W.S. projects got underway, totaled
48,882. 25.2% represented women heads of families, 59.2% non-
family women, 76.5% other women, Total State E.R.A. and C.W.S.
and C.W.S. officials 174, 79 positions held by women.
97
repeated placement by the 23agency. Federal directives did not
insist on employment quotas for blacks. In North Carolina
blacks composed twenty-nine per cent of the state's population.
On December 5 the federal government increased North
Carolina's Civil Works quota and set the figure for women at
ten per cent. Placing 73,000 North Carolinians on Civil
Works projects by December 15, 1933, proved a tremendous and
unnerving task. As the deadline drew near, Waynick's
responsibility increased once more as federal officials boosted
North Carolina's quota to 83,000.^^ O'Berry's office approved
a medley of projects for geodetic surveys, weather bureau work.
and national forestry experiments, while Waynick scurried to
find skilled workers for the jobs. On December 16, 1933,
Washington again raised the quota to 90,000. That increase
^^A.L. Fletcher, ed • f Report of Registration ^ Placements
July 1, 1934 to June 30, 1935 by the North Carolina State
Employment Service and the National Reemployment Service
(Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Labor, 1935); "North
Carolina National Reemployment Service Roster and Report for
193 3-1934", n.d • r 1-25. Papers of May Thompson Evans, P.C.
1466.20, North Carolina Division of Archives and History,
Raleigh. Clearly blacks were employed in seasonal work.
^^Raleigh News and Observer, December 5, 1933; Hopkins to
O'Berry December 5, 1933, Works Project Administration,
"F.E.R.A. Civil Works Administration State Series", Record
Group 69, Box 33, National Archives. Hopkins advised O'Berry to
give women "reasonable opportunity", O'Berry set the quota at
10%.
^^Baker to O'Berry, December 1 4, 193 3, "F.E.R.A. Civil
Works Administration State Series", R.G. 69, Box 33, N.A.
Baker advised O'Berry quota increased by 4,700, " all jobs must
go to women."
98
required Waynick to provide an additional 7,000 white-collar
workers for the Civil Works projects approved.
As the Christmas deadline approached, Waynick faced
another administrative problem; no materials to begin
projects. 27 Under Civil Works directives, once a project
cleared the offices of O'Berry, local relief officers
requisitioned materials from suppliers in their respective
areas. If materials needed cost more than $100, competitive
bids needed to be submitted to State headquarters for
p O
approval. Time-consuming material requisitioning left
Waynick and the National Reemployment Service spinning their
wheels while pressure mounted to fill federal quotas.
Waynick worked at a feverish pitch to meet Civil Works
quotas, but the maximum employed under Civil Works only reached
78,360, short of the proposed 90,000. This occurred during the
p r
Raleigh News and Observer December 16, 1933. According
to O'Berry, the new projects were designed to give unemployed
white-collar workers a "break" at the C.W.A.
27 Ibid., December 20, 1933. The delay with securing
materials had postponed the original aim of the program in
North Carolina; to give "Christmas" money to as many persons as
pos sible.
^^Morgan, 120. O'Berry anticipated problems securing
needed materials, Federal officials advised buy direct before
the rush. See Baker to O'Berry, "F.E.R.A. Civil Works
Administration State Series", R.G. 69, Box 33, N.A. Waynick, in
his "Memoirs", stated the situation became so bad that his
agency had to take over material requisitioning. The
researcher could find no documents supporting that statement in
C.W.A., F.E.R.A, or U.S.E.S. records.
99
O Q
week of January 4, 1934. ^ Complaints, however, continued to
plague both the C.W.A. and Waynick's National Reemployment
Service, even when federal officials notified the State it
would end operations in the early Spring of 1934.^*^ Complaints
of political favoritism, especially to Republicans in the
state, reached Hopkins and Governor Ehringhaus by mid-January
of 1934.
When Ehringhaus selected O'Berry to head the State E.R.A.
in May 1933, unwisely neither he nor Hopkins, who confirmed
O'Berry's appointment, bothered to consult any member of the
state's congressional delegation. The oversight proved costly
as O'Berry maintained an apolitical 31posture. Subject only to
Hopkins's orders, O'Berry put together a nonpolitical staff.
alienating some of North Carolina's politicos.
Democrats, especially in the West, charged their positions
weakened as Republicans climbed on board as appointees to
^^Telegram O'Berry to Hopkins, January 8, 1934, "F.E.R.A.
Civil Works Administration State Series", R.G. 69, Box 33, N.A.
^*^Raleigh News and Observer December 14, 1933.
Originally, Washington officials planned to discontinue the
C.W.A. after February 15, 1934.
31Ronald E. Marcello, "The Selection of North Carolina's
W.P.A. Chief, 1935: A Dispute Over Political Patronage," North
Carolina Historical Review LII(January, 1975), 61-62.
100
Waynick's agency and the C.W.A. 32 Although Waynick received
much political fallout from his close association with O'Berry,
he contributed to the situation by appointing eleven
Republicans to M.R.S. county committees, ten of whom held
positions in western counties. (See Table I) W.E. Breese,
Democratic County Chairman of Transylvania County, argued
Waynick's appointment of "that Republican from Boston" Dewey
Graveley to manager of the Transylvania County Reemployment
Office, absolutely " ignored the interest of the county."
Believing in giving Republicans some representation in the
county, Breese charged Waynick appointed a man not experienced
enough to perform the duties of the office satisfactorily.
Nevertheless, O'Berry represented a more national and
dramatic target for criticism, probably owing to her refusal to
engage in the art of politics. By April, organized labor
climbed on board to "dump O'Berry," charging her arbitrary
powers to be "simply rotten with peanut politics and crooked
Congressman R.L. Doughton to H. Hopkins, January 4,
1934; R.A. Bohek, Cycle, to Hopkins, January 5, 1934; J.H.
Jones, Creek, to Hopkins, January 4, 1934; H.H. Mays,
Taylorsville, to Hopkins, January 5,1934 "F.E.R.A. Civil Works
Administration State Series", R.G. 69, Box 34, N.A. W.E.
Breese to Ehringhaus, February 2, 1934; telegram, D.A. Dees,
Democratic Chairman, Pamlico County, to Ehringhaus, January 28,
193 4 ; W. Carey Dowd, Jr. to A.L. Fletcher, January 4 , 193 4,
Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 158, Raleigh.
33Breese to Ehringhaus, February 2, 1934, Ehringhaus
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 158, Raleigh. No record of a reply
to Breese was located in the Ehringhaus papers. Most
complaints appear purely political in nature as no disciplinary
action appears in the North Carolina Reemployment Service
records. See "F.E.R.A. Civil Works Administration State
Series," R.G. 69, Box 33, N.A.
101
dealing. .,3 4 Waynick, more politically adept, escaped the wrath
and played out the game according to the rules.
Federal policy provided no guidelines for handling
complaints regarding operations. To correct this deficiency.
Waynick established a grievance board to review complaints
against his 35agency. Being neither judicial nor executive in
character. this board acted as a "clearing house" for
complaints and attempted to establish responsibility for
complaints between local Civil Works organizations and
corresponding National Reemployment Offices. Where
investigation warranted, "hard boiled" investigators would
f:
review the matter.
Charges of pay-scale irregularities, however, prompted
Waynick and O'Berry to "borrow" Jack Lang, Senior Inspector for
the State Department of Labor, to investigate the matter. Lang
worked with Civil Works and National Reemployment officials in
select counties where charges of pay-scale irregularities
^^William Green, Secretary of North Carolina Local 1464,
American Federation of Labor to John M. Carmody, C.W.A. Field
Representative, January 4, 1934; John Pinkston, North Carolina
Central Labor Union to Hopkins, April 10, 1934, included
"Resolution to have O'Berry Removed"; memo, D.L. Landsale,
N.C.E.R.A • r to Hopkins, April 4 , 1934 , "F.E.R.A. Civil Works
Administration State Series", R.G. 69, Box 34, N.A. Landsale
advised Hopking "a lot of bad press, labor is after O'Berry."
35Raleigh News and Observer, January 19, 1934. O'Berry
and Waynick worked out a plan to handle complaints and stop the
"buck passing" between local units of the two organizations.
O'Berry took a copy of the plan with her to Washington for a
meeting with Hopkins January 25, 1934.
^^Ibid • t January 26, 1934.
102
occurred. 37 Although originally advised to set rates according
to local customs for some job classifications, O'Berry
rescinded orders and North Carolina workers received wages
O O
conforming to federal guidelines. (See Table IX) This
move, although advantageous for the workers, maddened the "dump
O'Berry" advocates even more so. Waynick, maintaining a
position apart from the controversy, keeping safe his political
job.
Hopkins set May 1, 1934, as the target date for
demobilization of C.W.A. In North Carolina, Waynick doubted
that private industry could take up the slack, and O'Berry
expressed hope that the Public Works Administration in the
State could absorb the 78,984 workers left off Civil Works
37 Ibid • f February 6, 1934; E.L. Sandefler, Secretary of
the N.C. Federation of Labor, to Hopkins, April 16, 1934;
Senator Robert Reynolds to Hopkins, March 10, 1934; S.S.
Dunlop, Winnabow, to Hopkins December 3, 1933; J.L. Hammel,
Gastonia, to Harold Ickes, January 12, 1934, "F.E.R.A. Civil
Works Administration State Series" R.G. 69, Box 3 4, N.A.
^^Telegram, O'Berry to Hopkins, November 22,1933;
telegram, Carrington Gill to O'Berry, November 22, 1933,
"F.E.R.A. Civil Works Administration State Series", R.G. 69,
Box 33, N.A. O'Berry inquired about wages. The National
Industrial Recovery Act set the rate for journeymen at $.75 per
hour and O'Berry requested verification. Gill advised O'Berry
wages paid for work other than road projects depended on local
custom and to assign rates accordingly. Telegram, Hopkins to
O'Berry, April 20, 1934, "C.W.A. State Series", R.G. 69, Box
34, N.A. Hopkins advised O'Berry, according to directives, pay
not less than $1.00 for skilled and not less than $.40 for
unskilled on projects. On road projects, wage rates were fixed
by the State Highway Department inaccordance with Section 204c
of the N.I.R.A.
103
payrolls.(See Table XI and XII) As Waynick began
reducing his staff, the agency, for fiscal year July 1, 1934-
June 30, 1935, concerned itself most wholly with emergency
activi ties.^ This winding-down period for the agency allowed
Waynick to focus his attention on other matters of personal
importance, especially his campaign for re-election to the
North Carolina senate.
As New Deal policies centralized government, political
influence and patronage often shifted to Washington. In North
Carolina, centralization began in 1931, as Gardner adopted the
reform measures practiced by Virginia Governor Harry F. Byrd
and by presidential aspirant New York Governor A1 Smith. 41 The
North Carolina legislature in 1931 and 1933 pushed the process
further with the MacLean Education Bill and the Local
Government Act. To accompany this shift, Gardner re-organized
the State Highway Commission, making the state responsible for
all county road maintenance and new road construction. The
legislature, to provide funds for extended state service.
O Q
Raleigh News and Observer, February 20, 1934. Waynick
noted that Winston-Salem, the states largest industrial city,
had an industrial population of only 15,000 during the "boom"
days of 1929. He doubted North Carolina could absorb 78,984
jobless.
^ ^Fletcher, n.p.; Morgan, 122-123; Forrest A.
Walker, The Civil Works Administration; An Experiment in
Federal Work Relief, 1933-1934 (New York: Garland Publishing
Company , 1979 ) , 17 0 .
'^^Key, 21; Al Smith to 0. Max Gardner, February 25, 1931,
0. Max Gardner Papers, Box 133, The Southern Historical
Collection, Chapel Hill.
104
enacted the state sales tax. The elections in 1934 reflected a
challenge by some to this newly established order. In
particular, Waynick's bid for re-election to the senate
represented such as test.
Waynick entered the June primary challenged by Dr. J.T.
Burrus, prominent physician of High Point and by Greensboro
lawyer John Caffay. Endorsed by the High Point Merchants
Association, Burrus ran as an anti-sales taxar and against
centralization of 42government. Caffey also ran as an anti-
sales tax oandidate, while Waynick hawked his experience in
government and retention of the sales tax as sound government
financing. Again supported by the influential and powerful
Morth Carolina Association of Real Estate Board, Waynick
traveled the district defending his senatorial record. 43 The
June primary eliminated Caffey and Waynick polled a 387
plurality over Burrus. Not content with the results, Burrus
challenged Waynick to a run-off election.
^^High Point Enterprise, June 1, 1934.
^^Angus D. MacLean to Waynick, April 8, 1934; R.A.
Doughton to Waynick, April 27, 1934; T. Settle Graham, Jr. to
Waynick, April 19, 1934; George P. Geoghegan, Jr., Chairman
of the North Carolina Association of Real Estate Boards, to
Waynick May 18, 1934, Waynick Papers. High Point Enterprise,
April 10, 11, May 4, 10, 1934. Geoghegan proposed to
Waynick that a letter be sent to all candidates and newspapers
clarifying the board's position on the sales tax. Although the
board's favored retention of the tax, Geoghegan did not want to
alienate any anti-sales taxers, should any get elected.
Geoghegan requested Waynick's approval of the letter.
‘^^High Point Enterprise, June 11, 1934.
105
Burrus called for the second primary when L.J. Fisher and
his "dictator," Wade P. Renfrow, won re-election as Democratic
executive committee members for Guilford County. According to
Burrus, these "old-line Democrats" turned back insurgents
seeking positions in the party, hence ensuring Renfrow could
continue his program of "lining up one Democrat against
another. h4 5 As the second primary neared, Burrus stepped-up
his campaign to fight to the finish on the sales tax issue and
to wrest the party from "destruction by unscrupulous
operators."
The Burrus strategy proved successful, as the candidate
won voter approval defeating Waynick by a vote of 5,80 8 to
5,307."^^ A heavy urban vote for Burrus, accompanied by
Caffey's support, offset Waynick's rural vote. But with a
record turnout for Guilford's primary, Waynick's friends
questioned the possibility of "outside interference,"
specifically the "Bailey crowd. „4 7 Although Waynick conceded
that several men connected with Senator Bailey supported Burrus
in the run-off election, he contributed his loss to other
phen omena.
"^^Ibid • t June 9, 10, 11, 1934; The State,
June 9, 1934; Raleigh News and Observer, June 11, 1934.
'^^Raleigh News and Observer, July 1, 1934.
^"^Louis Graves, Editor, The Chapel Hill Weekly to
Waynick, April 8 , 1934, Waynick Papers. Clarence Poe to
Waynick, July 10, 1934, Clarence Poe Papers, Box 44, The North
Carolina Division of Archives and History, Raleigh.
106
According to Waynick, the mill communities, influenced in
part by hostility to the sales tax, voted for Burrus.
Waynick's Greensboro up-town friends failed to take seriously
the popularity of Burrus and many in labor held the opinion
Waynick "double-crossed" them in 1932. Furnished with beer and
pretzels, workers flocked to the polls voting for Burrus and
against Waynick and the "Bossed ring. „4 8 The conversion of
many Republicans to "Democracy wholesale" increased the
balloting and ensured Waynick's defeat. Denied the bid for
re-election, Waynick retired to lick his wounds and resume
duties at the Reemployment Service.
Although the second primary decided Burruss would be the
Democratic candidate in the November election, Waynick now
faced another challenge more serious in nature. Thomas Turner,
Jr • / a High Point attorney and himself once a member of the
General Assembly, charged that Renfrew, manager of the High
Point Reemployment office, used his position to influence
political support for Waynick during the primary contests.
With signed affidavits from four prominent Guilford county
“^^Waynick to Louis Graves, July 9, 1934, Waynick
Papers. In response to Graves suggestion "Bailey men" helped
defeat Waynick, Waynick cited the Bailey men working for the
Burrus senatorial campaign. They included: C.L. Shuping,
Democratic National Committee member, H.G. Thurman, E.G.
Sherril, Jim Thomas, and J.H. Roane, Bailey appointments to
positions in Washington. According to Waynick, all five men
returned to the Greensboro area to work for Burrus' election.
'^^Ibid.
^’^High Point Enterprise, September 11, 1934.
107
residents proving Renfrew's actions, Turner challenged the
local Reemployment committee to investigate. Responding to the
charges, Waynick praised the fair-minded nature of the High
Point committee, but requested the committee bring in a
"government man" to investigate the matter. The committee
complied and General L.A. Toomes of the Department of the
Interior arrived in the city to investigate the matter.
After two weeks of investigation, Toomes returned to
Washington for conference on the matter. The United States
Employment Service and the Department of Labor documents
provide no information on the specific outcome of the
investigation. Nevertheless, Renfrew resigned as manager of
the High Point office effective January 15, 193 5.^2 This move
apparently appeased those in power as the matter no longer
commanded attention in the press. Waynick came through the
incident politically unscathed.
On November 15, 1934, Waynick resigned as State Director
of the National Reemployment Service.53 Waynick had worked
^^Ibid., September 21, 1934.
52Wade P. Renfrew to A.L. Fletcher, December 28, 1934,
Waynick Papers. Renfrew resigned at the request of Fletcher
and stated he clearly saw the "political expediency" of the
request. As the 1935 legislature voted appropriations to
institutionalize the state employment service, as required by
the Wagner-Peyser Act, Renfrew indicated his resignation,
although under protest, was to placate those elected to the
General Assembly, even Burrus. Renfrew doubted, nevertheless,
Burrus would vote the appropriations no matter what Fletcher
promised him in return.
53Waynick to W. Frank Persons, October 15, 1934, R.G. 183,
Box 1235, N.A.
108
diligently his sixteen months in office and left behind an
impressive record. Although designed as a temporary
institution of the New Deal, his National Reemployment Service
proved itself capable of operating and serving an interrelated
national economy, realizing a tenent of the Wagner-Peyser
Act.54 (See Table XIII and XIV) Waynick concurred with the
philosophy of the New Deal, accomplished the original task
outlined by the United States Employment Service, and operated
generally within the political structure of North Carolina to
establish temporary employment services suitable to
institutionalize as national agencies when the emergency
passed. Waynick modified and expanded his agency to suit the
needs of the C.W.A. in conjunction with the populace of North
Carolina, dealing with the needs of farmers and white collar
workers, reflecting the experimental side of a New Dealer.
Fending off attacks from the state and national level, Waynick
kept the waters still enough to ensure success of his agency.
With political friends such as Ehringhaus, Fletcher, Jeffress,
5 4,. First Year's Work of the United States Employment
Service," Monthly Labor Review, October 1934, 847-850. The
National Reemployment Service, before the advent of the Civil
Works Administration, had established offices in 1,825 counties
throughout the country. As the C.W.A. called for projects, the
employment service was correspondingly expanded. By January 1,
1934, 3,270 reemployment offices were in operation. After the
work of the C.W.A. ended in the spring of 1934, the National
Reemployment Service reorganized on a district basis. During
its tenure, the Reemployment Service placed 4,123,925
applicants on C.W.A. projects, 1,403,358 on public works and
public-road projects, 1,305,873 in private employment of all
kinds and 118,367 in government service, either local, state or
federal.
109
Bailey and Reynolds, Waynick continued his attachments with the
"established order."
Waynicks' connections through his newspaper experience
enabled him to choose civic minded leaders for county
committees. His labor arbitration experience and reputation
ensured workers of an unbiased treatment. His political
connections acquired in the North Carolina House and Senate
helped him deal with state and local officials. Nevertheless,
Waynick also benefitted by working with the competent Mrs.
Annie L. O'Berry. Sometimes overly cautious, O'Berry often did
not catch the spirit of the federal program, which sought to
pull out all the stops in order to quickly pump money into the
economy. In this respect, Capus Waynick complimented her.
Despite the problems, O'Berry and Waynick succeeded in
employing 83,702 North Carolinians on federal projects in a
short period of five months.
Although Waynick proved himself an able administrator.
serious financial difficulties now required he concentrate his
energies on private affairs. Returning to the High Point
Enterprise was the logical step toward retrenchment and
eventual solvency. Nevertheless, as with Waynick's previous
public service career, circumstances beyond his control placed
^^R.M. Hanes, President of the Wachovia Bank and Trust,
Winston-Salem, to Waynick, December 28, 1934; Waynick to Hanes,
December 29, 1934, Waynick Papers. Waynick advised he
defaulted on payments to Wachovia because of several bad
investments and because several gentlemen, "against whom the
notes lie have abandoned the payment of interest for several
years." Waynick's financial problems continued throughout 1935.
110
him back in state service. His old friend E.B. Jeffress,
suddenly incapacitated by a cerebral hemorrhage, left vacant
the chair of the State Highway and Public Works Commission.
The important political nature of the highway department
required Ehringhaus fill the position as soon as possible. At
the repeated request of the governor, Waynick again left High
Point and returned to Raleigh as Acting Chairman of the State
Highway and Public Works Commission.
CHAPTER V
POLITICAL ROADS
Capus Miller Waynick, having resigned his position as
Director of the North Carolina Reemployment Service, returned
to the High Point Enterprise in the fall of 1934. Himself a
victim of the depression, financial obligations required he
attend to matters back home. 1 Too many years as a low-paid
public servant, maintaining multiple households and unsound
personal investments required Waynick retrench and reestablish
a regular source of income. Returning as editor of the
High Point Enterprise appeared to be the logical step. But
civic duty called once again and by the end of the year
Governor Ehringhaus appointed Waynick Chairman of the State
Highway Commission. Continuing the policies of his successor.
Waynick oversaw a department that kept up with road maintenance
despite a dwindling budget, participated in the construction of
the Blue Ridge Parkway, reformed a mediocre prison system
upgrading prison facilities, and attempted to maintain a
highway department free from politics. His friends and
political connections ensured his success in some areas, but
his position outside the "inner circle" of North Carolina's
^R.M. Hanes, President of Wachovia Bank and Trust,
Winston-Salem, to Waynick, December 28, 1934; Waynick to
Hanes, December 29, 1934, Waynick Papers. Waynick's debts
totaled $11,400 with no interest paid since September 1, 1933.
Waynick defaulted on payment because "gentlemen who owed him
money have abandoned the payment of interest for several
years." Apparently Waynick held notes from these "gentlemen"
totaling three and one-half times the amount owed Wachovia.
112
political elite and his refusal to be a political chairman
ended his term under the Hoey Administration.
E.B. Jeffress, appointed by Governor Gardner as Chairman
of the State Highway Commission in April 1931, continued the
governor's centralization policies on through the Ehringhaus
administration. Diligent attention to the arduous job,
however, produced his physical collapse in the fall of 1934.
Although Ehringhaus publicly announced no changes would be
made in the department, the search for an acting-chairman began
immediately.^ Within a few weeks, Waynick found himself, along
with four of the state's leading newspaper publishers or
editors, as a possible replacement for the incapacitated
Jef fress . ^
^O. Max Gardner to E.B. Jeffress, May 4, 1931, 0. Max
Gardner Gubernatorial Papers, Box 87, North Carolina Division
of Archives and History, Raleigh.
High Point Enterprise, September 13, 1934; L.P. McLendon
to Ehringhaus, September 10, 1934; W.H. Banck to Ehringhaus,
September 10, 1934, Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 149,
Raleigh. Ehringhaus was quoted as saying no changes were to be
made pending the development of Jeffress illness. Executive
Director J.B. Roach and W.V. Baise, Assistant Engineer, were
doing the work required of the chair. McLendon urged the
governor to appoint former engineer Charles M. Upham a man with
a national reputation and D.C. connections and who worked with
North Carolina's best, Frank Page, to the position of chair.
Banck advocated General Harley B. Ferguson, Corp. of Engineers,
for the position.
'^The State, November 10, 1934. The four newspaper men
included John A. Park, publisher of the Raleigh Times,
Stantford Martin, editor of the Winston-Salem Journal, Don S.
Elias, co-publisher of two Asheville dailies, and J.L. Horne,
Jr • f publisher of the Rocky Mount Telegram.
113
By early December Jeffress' condition remained critical,
and with the legislature only one month away, Ehringhaus
appointed Waynick to the position of Assistant Chairman of the
State Highway Commission, a position clothed with all the
powers of the chair.^ The North Carolina press heartily
approved the governor's choice and prominent state officials
and road builders echoed the same sentiment. Opinion held
Waynick, a close friend and protege of Jeffress, would continue
the chair's policy and program.^ By the end of the year it
became evident Jeffress would not return to his post and
^The State, December 8, 1934; High Point Enterprise,
December 4, 1934; Raleigh Times, December 4, 1934. The State
Budget Bureau approved the temporary office with a annual
salary of $5,000.
^W. Carey Dowd, Jr., publisher of the Charlotte News, to
Ehringhaus, December 17, 1934; E.F. Craven, Greensboro Road
Machinery, to Ehringhaus, December 6, 1934; John A. Livingstone
to Ehringhaus, December 6, 1934; Mayor Earl B. Horner,
Burlington, to Ehringhaus, December 7, 1934, copy of letter
Luther Hodges to Waynick, December 7, 1934, Ehringhaus
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 149, Raleigh; The State, December 8,
1934; The Elizabeth City Daily Advance, December 5, 1934; The
Durham Sun, December 5, 1934; The Free Press, Kinston, December
5, 1934; Raleigh News and Observer, December 5, 1934. The
Raleigh News and Observer cited Waynick's appointment.
Johnathan Daniels^ edi ting the paper during his father's
absence in Mexico, felt Ehringhaus was creating a political
organization in the highway department and the revenue
department. According to Daniels, Ehringhaus was "sacrificing
many to do so. Very much like the Long seige in Louisiana."
See Johnathan Daniels to Josephus Daniels, August 19, 1933,
Johnathan Daniels Papers, Box 1, The Southern Historical
Collection, Chapel Hill. V.O. Key argues the same point.
Accordingly, the power of the Shelby machine rested chiefly on
the appointed and elected offices of state government, in
particular the highway and revenue department. Their political
activity and significance in state politics, although not on
the same the level of the "Long dynasty" in Louisiana, was
considerable. See Key, 213.
114
through his wife and conservator, Mrs. E.B. Jeffress, the
incapacitated chairman resigned from state service. Ehringhaus
appointed Waynick as Chairman, and North Carolina Superior
Court Justice Michael Scheneck administered the oath of office
on December 29, 1934.^
Waynick moved immediately collecting data on the condition
of North Carolina's roads, anticipating an attack by the
legislature to divert highway revenues to other purposes. The
1933 general assembly previously cut $4,000,000 a year from the
road maintenance program. Concluding North Carolina's most
urgent need was more and better road maintenance, Waynick
yearned that if the 1935 legislature was presented with the facts.
it would reverse the reduction and provide adequate funding. 8
Waynick immediately took his case before the public violating a
rule of "old line politicians." In hawking the problems of his
department before the people, some in North Carolina concluded
*7
'Ehringhaus to Mrs. E.B. Jeffress, December 5, 1934;
Ehringhaus to Mrs. E.B. Jeffress, December 18, 1934; R.D.
Douglas, attorney Greensboro, to Ehringhaus, December 3, 1934,
Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 149, Raleigh; "The
Gardner Road Program, 1931", P- 15, E.B. Jeffress Papers, Box
5, The Southern Historical Collection, Chapel Hill; copy of
Judgement of Incompetency, December 4, 1934, Superior Court of
Guilford County, Judge A. Wayland Cook, Ehringhaus
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 149, Raleigh. Although some in North
Carolina felt Ehringhaus snatched a resignation from the
Jeffress' sick bed, Jeffress denied the charge stating he
resigned for the welfare of the state. Mr. Douglas represented
Mrs. Jeffress and the Jeffress children in their quest to have
Mr. Jeffress declared incompetent.
8High Point Enterprise, December 26, 1934, January 3, 193 5.
115
Q
Waynick was more a newspaper man than a politician.
Nevertheless, Waynick's public effort did not offend all in
power. Going before the legislature in the opening session,
Waynick requested a $3,000,000 emergency appropriation to
repair over 6,000 unsafe bridges in the state and fund needed
road maintenance. The assembly responded without hesitation. 10
Waynick commenced scheduling work projects. But by the end of
January, Waynick's attention focused on the prison system where
an incident exposed negligence in that department.
Under the Gardner consolidation program, the Central
Prison System and the county prison camps joined together under
the administrative umbrella of the State Highway Public Works
Commission. 11 As the state assumed maintenance of county roads
in 1931, prison road gangs, now placed under state supervision
and care, performed maintenance and construction duties. The
Depression, adding pressure on the state budget, forced this
move, but centralization added to county political problems as
county prison camp jobs were now considered administration
patronage.
During Jeffress term in office, George Ross Pou acted as
superintendent of the prison division and prison labor
Q
Rocky Mount News, January 4, 1935; The Charlotte
Observer, January 7, 1935; Greensboro Patriot, January 6, 193 5.
^ ‘^House Journal, 1935, February 21, 1935, 184; Public Laws
of North Carolina, Session 1935, Chapter 38.
11Public Laws of North Carolina, 1931, Chapter 145, 187-
210.
116
performed road maintenance without incident. But in March
1935, two black prisoners, Robert Barnes and Woodrow Wilson
Shropshire, confined to solitary in the Mecklenburg County
State Prison, suffered frostbite of their feet. Because of the
negligence of prison officials, treatment of their condition
required amputation. The tragedy sparked a series of
investigations and inquiries from in and outside state
gove rnment. Waynick's Highway Commission conducted an initial
investigation, concluding prison officials violated proper
rules of conduct as required by the department. 12 Although
Waynick suspended six prison employees, and called for reforms.
other agencies conducted their own investigations making public
their recommendations. 13
The general assembly named a legislative committee to
investigate the incident. It confirmed Waynick's conclusion
that prison authorities were negligent in their duties. The
assembly enacted a statute directing the State Highway
Commission to give employment to the victimized prisoners if
they desired it following completion of their 14sentences.
12„State Highway Commission Minutes", March 22, 1935,
Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 150, Raleigh.
13 Ibid. Waynick suspended two camp superintendents, H.C.
Little and T.S. Brown and the prison physician Dr. C.S.
McLaughlin. Two guards were permanently suspended, they were
J.A. Rape and J.W. Eudy. A third guard, temporarily suspended,
was Tim Gordon.
^‘^House Journal, 1935, May 1, 1935, 718; Public Laws of
North Carolina, Session of 1935, Chapter 443, 774. Besides
permanent employment for Barnes and Shropshire, the state
provided artificial limbs needed for their welfare.
117
Another agency investigating the Mecklenburg incident, the
State Board of Public Welfare, concurred with Waynick's
assessment of the situation. But, at the insistence of the
Solicitor of the Criminal Court in the Ninth District, an
inquiry into the matter resulted in the indictment of the
prison employees in charge of the Mecklenburg camp.^^ These
reports did not end the matter and Dr. F. Lovell Bixby,
Assistant Director of Federal Prisons of the U.S. Department of
Justice, traveled to the state and made a personal examination
of North Carolina's 1 fsprison system. Although Bixby concurred
with Waynick's findings, he suggested reforms, especially in
regard to punishment, reflecting a more progressive and
humanitarian policy. 17
15William Curtis Ezell, Field Agent for the State Board of
Public Welfare, "Report by the State Board of Public Welfare,
March 7-9, 1935 on the Mecklenburg Prison Camp Incident"; N.A.
Sinclair, Judge, Superior Court 9th District, Fayetteville, to
Ehringhaus, Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 150, Raleigh; N.A.
1 C
Telegram, F. Lovell Bixby to Ehringhaus, August 1, 1935;
Communist Party, Chicago, to Ehringhaus, March 7, 1935; William
E. Cox, Southern Pines, to Ehringhaus, March 8, 1935; A.L.
Fletcher to Ehringhaus, March 14, 1935, Ehringhaus
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 151, Raleigh. The communist party
condemned the "Spanish inquisition and Hitler's torture camps
in North Carolina." Fletcher attributed the problem to the
state "paying starvation salaries, hence, we can expect nothing
else."
17
Copy, Bixby to Waynick, September 2, 1935; Waynick to
Bixby, September 10, 1935, Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box
151, Raleigh. Waynick complained disciplining prisoners seemed
futile. He argued the state no longer flogged and since the
Barnes, Shropshire incident could no longer safely confine
prisoners in solitary. In reply, Bixby suggested privileges be
withheld as a form of punishment.
118
With the public and the nation aware of North Carolina's
prison problems, Waynick and the State Highway Commission
embarked on a wholesale examination of prison facilities and
polic ies. After a year long study, the State Highway
Commission, endorsing Waynick's recommendations, submitted to
the Ehringhaus Administration an improvement plan at a cost of
$1,628,41 5.01.^^ The report called for upgrading and expanding
the facilities at Central Prison in Raleigh, converting a
prison camp in Wake County to a women's prison, improving
prison facilities in the field, including road camps and adding
industrial equipment to the prisons to make them more self-
suf f ic lent. In addition to physical changes in the system.
Waynick and the commission improved prison life by doing away
with manacling and substituting rewards and punishment.
classifying prisoners according to crime committed and age.
increasing communication with the outside world, and making
corporal punishment allowable only with department permission.
To make death more humanitarian in terms of the era , Waynick
replaced North Carolina's antiquated electric chair with a gas
chamber. Waynick believed decentralization of the prison
population advantageous to the state for road maintenance, but
argued economic considerations, joined with social reasons.
1 ft
Waynick to Ehringhaus, March 10, 1936, Waynick Papers.
119
1 Q
called for a better rounded prison system program. ^ Although
the governor whole heartedly endorsed Waynick's recommendation,
economies of government prohibited immediate improvements.
Waynick did prove himself capable of quelling public outrage
over the Mecklenburg incident, but not without much ado.
During Waynick's term as Chairman of the State Highway
Commission, North Carolina participated in the building of the
Blue Ridge Parkway. Although preliminary plans for the highway
were concluded by the fall of 1934, once construction began
Waynick grappled with the problems of securing a right-of-way
for the road and avoiding encroachment upon the lands of the
Cherokee Indians. Securing the all-North Carolina route for the
parkway meant many millions of dollars a year in tourist trade
for the western portion of the state. Completing the roadway.
nevertheless, entailed obtaining the right-of-way for 270 miles
of highway construction.
Under federal guidelines, the National Park Service
charged Waynick's department to secure and deed to the federal
19 „State Highway Commission Minutes", November 1, 1935,
January 1, 1935, May 28, 29, 1936; Waynick to Ehringhaus, March
10, 1936, Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 150, Raleigh.
Waynick also advised Ehringhaus to consider Roy M. Brown of
Chapel Hill as Executive Director of the North Carolina Penal
Institution. Considered a reformer with experience, Waynick
felt he was a good choice. As with the problem of appointment
to C.W.A., N. C. F.E .R. A., and N.R.S. appointments, some in North
Carolina argued favoritism to Republicans. See H.B. Perry,
Boone, to Ehringhaus, October 11, 1935, Ehringhaus
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 148, Raleigh. Perry advised
Ehringhaus to "find a good Democratic for the position. Not a
liberal from Chapel Hill." Again, patronage mattered,
especially when Republicans were involved.
120
government a 200 foot right-of-way. As the National Park
Service governed the protection of the parkway, the right-of-
way could be extended to a restricted 1,000 foot easement for
maintenance of the land adjoining the original 200 foot right-
of-way section. No private property owners effectively
challenged this ruling, but Waynick encountered great
difficulties with the Cherokee Indians.
Prior to Waynick's appointment, Jeffress and the State
Highway Commission acquired and paid the Cherokees for a right-
of-way through Soco Gap, west down the Soco Creek to the town
of Cherokee. 21 The Park Service later objected to the route
and advocated another less steep and more direct pathway into
the town of Cherokee. As re-surveys began and the Park Service
requested a 1,000 foot restricted right-of-way, the Cherokee
Indians protested and kept the controversy alive for an
additional five year. Although dealing with the Cherokees
was entirely a federal matter, the close working relationship
9 0
Memo, William Zimmerman, Jr • / Assistant Commissioner of
the U.S. Department of Interior, Office of Indian Affairs, to
A.E. Demaray, Associate Director, U.S. Department of Interior,
National Park Service, December 17, 1934, State Highway
Commission Records, Blue Ridge Parkway, Box 1, North Carolina
Division of Archives and History, Raleigh.
21Waynick to Demaray, January 28, 1935, ibid.
^^Harley E. Jolley, The Blue Ridge Parkway (Knoxville:
The University of Tennessee Press, 1969), 93, 100-101. The
final location for the roadway was routed along the ridges
northwest of the Cherokee Reservation and bypassing the town of
Cherokee. The parkway entered the Great Smoky Mountains
National Park a short distance north of Cherokee, N.C.
121
between the highway department and the Park Service kept
Waynick involved in the matter.
As with the Cherokees, Park officials deviated from their
original request of right-of-way of 100 acres per mile of
roadway. Modifying the original easement to include an
additional 50 acres per mile under scenic control, to average
out over the entire parkway, Waynick fell behind in securing
easements for units of sufficient length for construction. By
June 1935, pressure from Washington came to bear on Waynick and
the State Highway Commission.^With great speed, Waynick
secured the coveted acres. Construction began on the first
section of the parkway, from the Shenandoah to North Carolina
State Highway 26.^^ Project engineers, pleased with the progress.
predicted sections of the parkway could be built simultaneously
9 ft
completing the project within a reasonable amount of time.
Although federal officials determined the parkway would be
constructed in the state, final location depended on cost-
^^Thomas C. Vint, Chief Architect, U.S. Department of
Interior, National Park Service, to H.J. Spelman, Principal
Highway Engineer, Bureau of Public Roads, Washington, D.C • /
February 15, 1935, State Highway Commission Records, Blue Ridge
Parkway, Box 1, Raleigh.
^^Telegram, Bailey to Ehringhaus, June 3, 1935; R.G.
Browning, Location Engineer, North Carolina Highway Commison,
to Bailey, June 4, 19 3 5,ibid.
^^Waynick to H.L. Ickes, Secretary of the Interior, June
7, 1935, ibid.
9 ft
Memo, R. Getty Browning, Senior Location Engineer, North
Carolina Highway Department, to Field Engineers, June 10, 1935,
ibid.
122
effective routes in accordance with Department of Interior
guidelines. The National Park Service, Branch of Plans and
Design, determined the exact routing. Some North Carolinians,
nevertheless, petitioned Waynick's office on easement
estimates, hoping to route the highway through their
9 7
prope rty. As the Department of the Interior finalized plans
for construction, some land owners protested Waynick delayed in
making contact to secure parkway right-of-way.^® Waynick
pressed forward to secure easements on confirmed routes and
referred proposed suggestions to Washington. By late summer.
however, it no longer mattered as funds for the parkway ran
out. Roosevelt, responding to depleting relief agency funds,
diverted $6,000,000 of parkway appropriations.^® Federal
officials refunded construction on the parkway, but not until
27 Ira T. Johnston, Jefferson, to Waynick, June 25, 1935;
Waynick to Johnston, June 28, 1935; R.L. Gwyn, Lenoir, to
Waynick, August 16, 1935, ibid.
o
'^p“Johnston to Waynick, March 6, 1936; memo, Waynick to
Browning, March 7, 1936; Waynick to Johnston, March 7, 1936;
Bowning to J.R. Cates, Field Representative, Claims Adjuster
for the State Highway Department, March 10, 1936, ibid. By
this time, Johnston represented not only himself but several
propety owners in Jefferson holding land along the route.
Johnston requested a conference with Waynick and a statement to
the press on what the State Highway Commission would do in
regard to payment on the easements.
^®Thomas H. MacDonald, Chief Bureau of Public Roads, to
Josephus Daniels, Ambassador Extraordinary & Plenipotentiary,
Mexico, August 29, 1936; Waynick to Bailey, September 8, 1936,
State Highway Commission Records, Blue Ridge Parkway, Box 2,
Raleigh. Waynick requested Bailey contact Roosevelt to try and
reverse $2,000,000 to the parkway project. Waynick advocated
the parkway acted as a relief agency itself employing relief
victims in the Asheville area.
123
fiscal year 1937, after Waynick left office. 30 Work on the
parkway continued in areas already funded, but with new
construction stalled, Waynick's Highway Commission curtailed
right-of-way procedures. As work on the parkway eased, Waynick
turned his attention to matters closer to Raleigh - the
gubernatorial primaries of 1936.
The 1936 primaries mirrored the difficulties besmirching
the state Democratic Party. Two opposing philosophies.
represented by Clyde Hoey and Ralph McDonald, presented
themselves to North Carolina voters. 31 Insurgent Democrats,
opposing "machine rule," sales tax, and policies of
consolidation and centralization, backed McDonald. Democrats,
content with the "machine" supported Hoey. Waynick, trying to
remain neutral found himself and his department caught in
the middle.
The first primary eliminated A.H. (Sandy) Graham of
Hillsboro, Lieutenant Governor under Ehringhaus, who ran in
accordance with "machine" policies. Defeated, he threw his
support to Hoey in the second primary. 32 Hoey, now with
Graham's alliance, pressed a hard campaign throughout June and
defeated McDonald in the second primary 266,354 to 214,444.
Clearly, the "machine" 33won. But during the campaign, Waynick
^*^Ickes to Waynick, September 12, 1936 , ibid.
3 1
Puryear, 234.
o 0
Raleigh News and Observer, June 4, 10, 1936.
33
Puryear, 229; Raleigh News and Observer, July 5, 1936.
124
refused to commit himself or his department to any one
candidate. Waynick publicly urged those who worked for the
highway department to "vote their conscience. ..3 4 Determined to
keep his highway department above politics, Waynick refused to
heed warnings to fall in step with those in Shelby.
With a Hoey win almost assured in November, rumors
surfaced that Waynick would be replaced at the highway
? ft
department. ^ ” Waynick's Guilford county friends petitioned
Hoey to retain their "favorite son," and by January it appeared
^'^High Point Enterprise, July 3, 9, 1936; The Hickory
Record, June 30, 1936; The State, July 11, 1936. The High
Point Enterprise also condemned mud-slinging tactics used in
the July primary by both candidates. The Enterprise hoped
"that never again should such vituperations be permitted in
primary campaigns in North Carolina."
35Waynick, "Memoirs", X, 20-21, Waynick Papers; High Point
Enterprise, April 9, 1936; The State, July 11, 1936; A.L.
Fletcher to Waynick, August 3, 1935, Waynick Papers. Fletcher
warned Waynick in August of 1935 that lines were beginning to
form and that if Graham won the governor's seat that George
Ross Pou would be chairman at the highway department. He
suggested Waynick be aware of the situation. In addition, once
Hoey declared his candidacy it was common knowledge he was the
"Shelby gang's" coice. Gardner, running the campaign from his
air-conditioned office at the Cleveland Cloth Mills at Shelby,
felt confident his brother-in-law Hoey would make a good
governor. See "Clyde R. Hoey", 2, Box 5, E.B. Jeffress Papers,
Southern Historical Collection.
Hickory Record, September 18, 1936. The newspaper
heartily commended Waynick and the High Point Enterprise for
attempting to keep the highway department out of politics. The
paper noted that if Hoey won in November George Russ Pou or
another Graham choice would most likely succeed Waynick as
chairman.
125
Waynick would keep his road job. 37 But when Governor Hoey
revealed his plan to divert highway funds to the general fund,
Waynick openly opposed the newly elected chief executive and
weakened his tenuous position. Publicly challenging the
governor and the senate that authorized the measure, Waynick
finished off any hope of remaining close to North Carolina's
political elite. Despite support for Waynick by the press and
some of North Carolina's influential. Governor Hoey appointed
37Raleigh News and Observer, December 25, 1936;
Goldsboro News-Argus, January 1, 1937; W.H. Slane to 0. Max
Gardner, December 30, 1936; D.L. Morrison, secretary to
Gardner, to Slane, January 2, 1937, O. Max Gardner Papers, Box
57, The Southern Historical Collection, Chapel Hill. Slane
asked Gardner to "speak a good word to Hoey" about retaining
Waynick. Morrison, replying to Slane, advised Gardner did not
interfere with the Hoey program.
126
Frank L. Dunlap of Wadesboro Chairman of the State Highway
and Public Works Commission.^®
Waynick lost his job at the highway department, but won a
battle over diversion of highway funds. Altering his view on
more state indebtedness, Waynick urged the governor to approve
a $5,000,000 bond issue to save the threatened highway funds.
The governor took his advice and highway funds escaped
cannibalism in 1937.^®
®®Hoey to Dunlap, April 19, 1937; Waynick to Hoey, April
19, 1937, Clyde Hoey Gubernatorial Papers, Box 53, North
Carolina Division of Archives and History, Raleigh; The State,
April 17, May 8, 1937; High Point Enterprise, May 7, 1937; ^py
Otis M. Mull to Frank Dunlap, April 26, 1937, Hoey
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 53, Raleigh. Otis M. Mull, Chairman
of the State Democrat Committee, was pleased with the Dunlap
appointment. According to Mull, "top officials in the highway
department had grown stale after years of routine efforts. It
is my hope that the highway department may deserve to be named
the "Working Department." Waynick clearly was out of favor
with party politics. Waynick contended a deal was made whereby
Graham supporters supplied the Hoey machine with $26,000 to
ensure his election with the agreement that these supporters
receive good contracts from the Highway Commission and that
Hoey dump Waynick as chairman. George Ross Pou supposedly
carried the money to Hoey's brother-in-law, 0. Max Gardner.
Waynick questioned Pou about the "so called deal" and Pou
replied Waynick was wrong, it was $36,0001 See Waynick,
"Memoirs", X, 20-21, Xa 2,3, Waynick Papers. Waynick retold
the story in an interview in October 1980. See Susan Tucker
Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey" (Ph.D. diss • r
Duke University, 1983), 23. Apparently money was no problem
for the "machine" in 1936, as $25,000 was delivered to George
W. Coan, Jr., State Works Progress Administrator, for
distribution among the eight district directors to ensure the
election of Hoey. See Ronald E. Marcello, "The North Carolina
Works Progress Administration and the Politics of Relief"
(Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1968), 118-120.
®^Waynick to Hoey, March 9, 1937, Hoey Gubernatorial
Papers, Box 47, Raleigh.
'^^Public Laws of North Carolina, Session 1937, Chapter
193, 411-412.
127
During his term in office, Waynick kept the State Highway
Commission solvent and yet maintained over 57,000 miles of
highway system; a feat of no little accomplishment during a
depression decade. (See Table XV) Leaving behind a
department well equipped, well funded, and in working order.
Waynick could boast of no administrative regrets.
As Chairman of the State Highway Commission, Waynick
lobbied for measures that improved the welfare of many North
Carolinians. He supported the bill that created the North
Carolina State Employment Service and supported the
unemployment compensation act, both tenets of the New Deal.^^
Although he did not escape the political wrangling when Hoey
assumed the reins of power in 1937, his low key political
posture did keep him apart from insurgents, a move that later
proved wise. As compensation for Dunlap's appointment to the
State Highway Commission, Hoey offered Waynick several
positions in state government, including Director of the
Department of Purchase and Contract, Chairman of the North
41 11th Biennial Report of the North Carolina State Highway
Commission (Raleigh, 1937), 59, 62, 64. Waynick's State
Highway and Public Works Commission expended $23,606,635.37 in
road maintenance and new road construction, $2,206,334.14 for
bridge repair, and $4,190,924.01 for grade cross eliminations.
4 0
Waynick to Ehringhaus, September 28, 1933; Waynick to
Ehringhaus, January 10, 1935; Waynick to Ehringhaus, November
10, 1936, Ehringhaus Gubernatorial Papers, Box 130, Raleigh;
Waynick "Address before the Employment Service Conference at
Chapel Hill, June 18, 1936", Waynick Papers; The State, October
27, 1934; Public Laws of North Carolina, Session 1935, Chapter
106, 112-114; Public Laws of North Carolina, Extra Session
1936, Chapter 1, 1-30.
128
Carolina State Planning Board, a position on the National
Resources Committee, board member of the Sesquicentennial
Celebration of the University of North Carolina, and the Labor
Commission. Waynick accepted the Purchase and Contract
position but resigned in December 1937. On June 27, 1940, he
accepted membership on the North Carolina Labor Commission.
Although honored at the time by the governor's offer.
private life appealed to Waynick. Packing up his new
Chevrolet, a gift from the Highway Commission, Waynick left for
home and Elizabeth. He was tired and politics no longer
appealed to him, at least for the time being.
^^Waynick, "Memoirs", X-A, 1; Raleigh News and Observer,
April 25, 1937; Hoey to Waynick, June 1, 1940, Hoey
Gubernatorial Papers, Box 59, Raleigh. The News and Observer
reported Hoey's offer as an "applesauce account" and was not
buying the "posies labelled for Waynick." The paper noted,
however, that applesauce was as much a part of politics as
pa tronage.
'^^Waynick, "Memoirs", X, 28, Waynick Papers.
CHAPTER VI
AN AVAILABLE MAN
Leaving the office of Chairman of the State Highway
Commission, the forty-eight year old Waynick returned to High
Point and resumed his duty as editor of the High Point
Enterprise. Returning to a normal existence after six years in
politics would be a welcome change for one who argued "politics
to be the other fellow's race." Waynick maintained throughout
his entire political career that pressure from friends, family
and government officials forced him into office. Yet for one
who professed no political ambitions, his contacts and cohorts.
prior to his election to the 1931 legislature, placed him close
to those politicly significant. 1 By 1931, Waynick was well
versed in North Carolina politics.
^Besides Waynick's friends at Chapel Hill, Raleigh, the
newspaper business, and the Y.M.C.A., his membership in the
Watauga Club, before 1917, brought him into contact with
notables as Josephus and Jonathan Daniels, Walter Hines Page,
Clarence H. Poe, and Charles D. Mclver. Membership in the club
after 1924 included T.W. Bickett, J.C.B. Ehringhaus, O. Max
Gardner, Frank P. Graham, Dr. A.T. Allen and Edwin Gill. See
Clarence H. Poe Papers, "Watauga Club Members, 1884-1954",
North Carolina Division of Archives and History, Raleigh.
Concerning Waynick's argument that people and circumstances forced
him into public service, the best description of Waynick and
his inclination for office holding was made by Jay Jenkins,
writer for the Raleigh News and Observer; "He is the kind of
gent who, if dropped in the midst of a group of unfriendly
cannibals, would emerge from the jungle borne on their
shoulders and protesting that he really didn't want to be king
of the tribe." See "Clipping File", Raleigh News and Observer,
n.d., Waynick Papers.
130
Catapulted into the General Assembly by eager friends and
family, Waynick won his legislative spurs in the "long
parliament," standing in accordance with the machine and his
old mentor E.B. Jeffress. His withdrawal as a trustee nominee
during the university consolidation proceedings proved him
accommodative. Nevertheless, his vote against centralizing
state government indicated an independent thinker, perhaps too
much a small-d democrat for high political office.
During his senate career fronting for the sales tax.
along with the education forces, Waynick proved useful to the
administration, despite the fact he endorsed the measure purely
for state fiscal solvency. Not re-election to the Senate
because he championed the tax, he admitted no regret for the vote.
Waynick's contribution to the proposed new North Carolina
constitution and his labor arbitration efforts during the mill
and Thomasville furniture strikes proved his ability to
organize, decipher, and disseminate information. The se
attributes, in addition to his newspaper connections, qualified
him for the position as director of the North Carolina's
National Reemployment Service. As a first step in coping with
North Carolina's unemployed, Waynick drew upon his newspaper
friends, selecting community-minded citizens for reemployment
committees. With the advent of the C.W.A • f Waynick adjusted his
service to meet the needs of expanded federal programs.
Working with Mrs. Anne O'Berry, Waynick shared many of the
compliments and complaints bestowed on New Deal policies and
programs. He manipulated his agency to provide maximum
131
employment for Morth Carolinians and attempted to operate a
fair and equitable service. As evidenced by his Republican
appointments in the western section of the state, Waynick
subscribed to an inclusive democracy that advanced beyond mere
political advantage. Conversely, he maintained a large well-
paid staff at the High Point Reemployment Service. (See Table
VI) In handling complaints, Waynick took an open approach,
calling in outside investigators when the situation warranted.
His record as director of the Reemployment Service showed him
to be a well-organized, second-level bureaucrat. He
demonstrated through the agency its value in maintaining an
orderly labor market, realizing yet another tenet of the
Wagner-Peyser Act.
Conducting the business of the National Reemployment
Service, especially in providing labor for federally funded
highway projects, placed Waynick in touch with road officials
at the state and federal level. With these contacts, and his
experience in state politics, Waynick became a plausible choice
to succeed his old friend E.B. Jeffress as the Chairman of the
State Highway Commission. Initially reluctant to assume such
an important position, Waynick pressed forward immediately with
his new duties.
The position of Chairman of the State Highway Commission,
a political plum in North Carolina politics, entailed
responsibilities and political commitments sometimes in excess
of Waynick's experience as director of the National
Reemployment Service. Waynick faired well in handling the
132
prison incident in 1935. His swift and competent investigation
of the matter and disciplinary actions were all confirmed by
later external investigations. Given North Carolina's
checkered past concerning prisoner treatment, a less competent
administrator could have done worse.
Nevertheless, Waynick's refusal to engage blatently in
politics probably inhibited his effectiveness as chairman.
Highway expenditures and political patronage, more often.
provide a chairman means to effect policy and progress, a point
recognized by Waynick.
Waynick's political errors, however, proved him to be more
of a newspaper man than a politician, especially in the
gubernatorial election of 1936. Failure to commit either
himself or his department to an approved candidate kept him
effectively outside the "Shelby machine." With the insurgent
candidate eliminated in the second primary, Waynick committed
^"North Carolina's Chain-Gang System on Trial," The
Literary Digest, August 14, 1926, 14. North Carolina's prison
system was investigated when two convicts of a chain-gang died
while under the supervision of road boss, Nevin C. Cranford of
Albemarle, Stanley County. Although the physician's report
listed sunstroke as cause of the deaths, evidence of physical
abuse brought Cranford under indictment by a grand jury.
Cleared of the charges, the trial brought out the cruel and
brutal punishments handed out by prison officials. As a result
of the incident, state prison officials abolished the lash as
an instrument of penal punishment.
^While Chairman of the State Highway Commission, Waynick
spent 12% of the highway budget in the west, 33% in the
piedmont, and 55% in the east. Six per cent of the budget was
spent in area of the "Southern Crescent." Waynick's own
district, Guilford and Rockingham counties, received
$893,999.10 or 3% of the highway budget. See Table XV.
133
another error by not publicly endorsing Clyde R. Hoey's
candidacy. Yet the newly elected governor offered Waynick
several prestigous positions in state government before
Waynick left Raleigh.
Returning to High Point, Waynick remained editor of the
High Point Enterprise until 1942 when duty called again. On
temporary leave from the Enterprise, Waynick accepted the
position of the Director of the Venereal Disease Education
Institute, under the North Carolina Social Hygiene Society,
funded by the U.S. Public Health Service and the Z. Smith
Reynolds Foundation. Again pressured, this time by Richard J.
Reynolds, Jr • t Waynick returned to public service. Waynick
directed the institute until 1949.“^
As an available man, Waynick served as an arbitrator for
the American Arbitration Association shortly after the war,
drawing on his experience with labor in the 1930s. In 1948, he
reluctantly accepted the position as Chairman of the State
Democratic Executive Committee. Politically more adroit, Waynick
managed W. Kerr Scott's successful campaign for governor in
1948 .
Waynick displayed an availability at the national and
international level when he answered the call of Harry Truman
and served as Ambassador to Nicaragua from 1948 to 1951.
Taking time out to direct Point IV in 1950, Waynick returned to
^Bryan Haislip, A History of the Z. Smith Reynolds
Foundation (Kingsport; Xingsport Press, 1967), 23.
134
South America as Ambassador to Colombia from 1951 to 1953.
Returning to North Carolina, Waynick officially stayed out of
politics until 1957.
Having retained his membership in North Carolina's
National Guard after World War I, in 1957 Waynick accepted the
position of Adjutant General, retiring from the post in 1961.
During this same period, he served as Director of the Reynolds
Foundation, accepting the position as Executive Vice President
of the Foundation in 1961-1962.
State politics still held an interest for Waynick, and in
1963 he accepted the position of race relations "Trouble
Shooter" in the Terry Sanford Administration. Along with
Waynick's talents in politics, arbitration, the newspaper
business and public relations, he held a masters in bridge and
penned a weekly column of strategy; a man of many talents and
available for almost any job.
Waynick initially proved himself a capable administrator
in his New Deal agency. Flexible and creative, interested more
in making policy than politics, he does not fit the image of
the old-line politico. As a politician, Waynick has to be
taken seriously, despite his occassional naivete. He achieved
much.
TABLE I
NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES ESTABLISHED IN NORTH
CAROLINA AS OF DECEMBER 1, 1933
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
ALAMANCE Mr. W.S. Coulter* Lawyer Burlington
Mr. J. Harvey White - Welfare Bd. Graham
Mr. Mike Curley - Labor Mebane
Mr. John Shoffner Manu f. Alamance
Mr. Wade Huggman Coroner Burlington
Mr. O.F. Crowson Editor Burlington
Mr. H.J. Rhodes Lawyer Burlington
ALEXANDER Mr. E.E. Lackey* Supt. Manuf. Hiddenite
Mr. Harry Miller - Merchant Stony Point
Mr. J.W. Little Farme r Taylorsville
Mrs. M.L. Gwaltney - Soc. Wkr. Taylorsville
Mr. Sloan W. Payne - Teacher Taylorsville
ALLEGHANY R.A. Doughton* - Lawyer Sparta
Mr. Floyd Crouse - Lawyer Sparta
Mr. Alex Reeves - Clerk Spr. Ct. Sparta
Mr. C.A. Miles Soc. Wkr. Sparta
Mr. D.C. Duncan Coroner Sparta
ANSON Mr. Wm. Marshall, Jr.* Lawyer Wade sboro
Mr. H.H. Hardison Merchant Wadesboro
Mr. J.F. Martin - Farme r Wade sboro
Mr. D.B. Nelms - Farmer Ansonville
Mr. W.L. Ingram - Merchant Lile svi1le
ASHE Mr. Ira J. Johnston* Lawyer Je f fe rson
Mr. J.B. Nash Teacher Jef ferson
Dr. B.E. Reeves - Physician W. Jefferson
Mr. J.W. Gambill Merchant W. Jefferson
Mr. B.H. Duncan Teache r Trade, Tenn.
AVERY Mr. Henry Von Canon* - Lawyer Banner Elk
Mr. Frank Hampton Real Estate Linville
Mrs. Henry Burleson - Civil Ldr. Plumtree
Dr. Mary Martin Sloop - Mgr. Crossmore
Mr. Charlie Biard Co. Fm. Agent Newland
Mr. David Swift - Lawyer Newland
Mr. A.P. Brinkley - Hotel Mgr. Elk Park
136
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
BEAUFORT Mr. J.T. McKeel* Merchant Washington
Mr. Paul McEvoy - Publisher Washington
Mr. J.G. Bragaw Ins. Washington
Mr. Anson Alligood- Manuf. Washington
Dr. John C. Taylor - Physician Washing ton
BERTIE R.N. Freeman* Windsor
Mr. Mayor Parker - Editor Windsor
Mr. Pedroe Mizzelle Farme r Windsor
Mr. Obed Castello - Fa rme r Aulander
Mr. H.F. Askew - Oil Distribu. Colerain
BLADEN Mr. J.H. Clark* ? Merchant Elizabethtown
Mr. C.G. Wilkins - Merchant Elizabe thtown
Mr. C.S. Clark - Farmer Clarkton
Mr. C.O. Bridger - Textile Manuf. Bladenboro
Mr. H.R. Allen Farmer Kelley
BRUNSWICK Mr. Price Furpless* - Mayor Southport
Mrs. Hattie Galloway - Farmer Southport
Mr. George T. Rourk Merchant Southport
Mr. H.B. Ludlum Fa rme r Southport
Mr. R.W. Davis, Sr. - Merchant Southport
Mr. W.R. Holmes Tax Collector Shallotte
BUNCOMBE Judge Sam Cathey* - Lawyer Ashevi1le
Mr. Robert Lathan Editor Asheville
Mr. W.B. Plemmons Manuf. VP Ashevi1le
Mr. Gerald Cowen Contractor Asheville
Mr. Fred L. Seely - Manuf. Biltmore
Mr. Frank E. Leacock (R) Swannanoa
Mrs. Tom Clark Civil Leader Candler
BURKE Mr. L.F. Brinkley*- Foreman Glen Alpine
Mr. Parks Whitener Farme r HiIdebran
Mr. Lawrence Crouch - Regis. Deeds Morganton
Miss Catherine Ervin Civil Ldr. Morganton
Mr. Phillip Guigou - Textile Manuf. Valdese
Mr. Bruce Hildebran Merchan t Drexe1
CABARRUS Mr. T.H. Webb*- Pres. Manuf. Concord
Mr. O.A. Swearingen - Grocer Concord
Mr. R.L. Hartsell - Fa rme r Concord
Mr. J.J. Barnhardt - Sales Mgr. Kannapolis
Mr. B.W. Durham - Real Estate Kannapolis
137
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
CALDWELL Mr. A.G. Foard* - Banker Lenoir
Mr. Clarence Moore Co. Comm. Granite Falls
Mr. Hunt Gwyn Auto. Dealer Lenoir
Mrs. Dennis H. Sutton Editor Lenoir
Mr. C.H. Hopkins VP Bank Lenoir
Mr. Lawrence C Underhill (R) Manuf. Lenoir
Mr. W.T. Carpenter Banke r Lenoir
CAMDEN Mr. T.B. Godfrey* Co. Auditor Camden
Mr. J.W. Jones Farme r Southmi11s
Mr. F.P. Wood Post Master Camden
CARTERETT Mr. G. Pelletie* Merchant Stella
Mr. F. Taylor - Farmer Bogus
Mr. Leon Mann - Merchant Newport
Mrs. A.H. Webb - Civil Leader Morehead City
Mr. R.H. Hill - Merchant Be au for t
Mr. Donald Lewis - Merchant MarshalIburg
Mr. D. Mason Merchant Atlant ic
CASWELL Mr. V.E. Swift* Supt. Schools Yanceyvi1le
Mr. E.F. Upchurch Sr. Lawye r Yanceyville
Mr. W.B. Morton Lawye r Yanceyvi1le
Dr. S.A. Malloy - Physician Yanceyvi1le
Judge M.C. Winstead Lawye r Yanceyville
CATAWBA Mr. Marshall Yount* - Mayor Hickory
Mr. L.C. Gifford - Editor Hickory
Mr. John W. Aiken - Lawyer Hickory
Mr. R.E. Carpenter - Regis. Deeds Newton
Mr. R.L. Shipp - Mayor, Newton Newton
CHATHAM Mr. D.L. Bell*- Lawyer Pittsboro
Mr. E.R. Hinton - Mill Operator Pittsboro
Mr. E.B. Hatch - Clerk of Courts Pittsboro
Mr. O.B. Reitzell - Mayor Silver City
Mr. J.M. Mclver - Merchant Gulf
CHEROKEE Mr. C. Calhoun* Manuf. Murphy
Mrs. L. Brittain - Civil Leader Murphy
Mr. T.T. Johnson - Coroner Culbe rson
Mr. D.M. Harbin Manu f. Tomotla
Mr. P.B. Ferebee - Banker Andrews
Mrs. C. Martin - Civil Leader Andrews
Mr. L.B. Nichols - Merchant Andress
138
TABLE I Continued; NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
CHOWAN Mr. L.E. Griffin* Lawye r Edenton
Mr. J.W. Cates Manu f. Edenton
Mr . F.P. Wood Pres. Lumber Co. Edenton
Mr. J.L. Wiggins - Manuf. Edenton
Mr. B.W. Evans Farmer Eden ton
Mr. C.E. Kremer Port Master Edenton
CLAY Mr. T.C. Gray* - Lawyer Hayesville
Mr. A.J. Bell - Supt. Schools Haye sville
Mr. J. Penland Pres. (B) Hayesville
Mr. Mark Weaver - Bd. of Education Haye svi1le
Mr. Frank Moore Farmer Tusquitte
CLEVELAND Mr. J.D. Lineberger- Merchant Shelby
Mr. S.A. McMurry Mayor Shelby
Mr. John Schenck, Jr., Manmuf. Shelby
Mr. A.E. Cline Merchant King's Mountain
COLUMBUS Dr. Floyd Johnson - Health Off. Whitevi1le
Mr. W.M. Boyce Banker Whiteville
Mr. Clyde Council - Banker Wananish
Mr. C.L. Tate Banker Chadbourn
CRAVEN Mr. B.M. Potter* - Civil Engr. New Bern
Capt. T. Daniels - Amer Legion New Bern
Mr. I.H. Bright - Mgr. Lumber Co. Br idge ton
Mr. W.H. Heath Fa rme r Cove City
Mr. J.E. Witherington - Mayor Vanceboro
CUMBERLAND Mr. J.R. Toler* Pres. Manuf. Fayetteville
Mr. C.D. Hutaff Pres. Coca-cola Faye ttevilie
Mr. K. Stein - Pres. Dept Store Fayetteville
Mr. John Hodges - Supt. Cotton Mill Fayetteville
Mrs. W.T. Brock - Civil Leader Faye ttevilie
Mr. Jarvis Harris Farme r Faye ttevi1le
CURRITUCK Mr. J.A. Taylor* - Farmer Maple
Mr. Worth Guard - Merchant Coinjock
Mr. Earle Ferrell Logge r Snowden
DARE Mr. D.B. Fearing* - Co. Comm Manteo
Mr. D.V. Meekins Sheriff Manteo
Mr. R.L. Davis - Naval Officer Wanchese
Mr. Jesse E. Baum - Merchant Kitty Hawk
Mr. L. Douglas - Fisherman Salve
139
TABLE I Continued; NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
DAVIDSON Mr. H.E. Olive* Manu f. Lexington
Mr. M.C. Peeler Lawye r Lexington
Mrs. Charles Young - Civil Leader Lexington
Mr. J.E. Lambeth Manu f. Thomasville
Mr. R.C. Rapp - Manuf. Thomasville
Mr. R.C. Powell Chief of Police Denton
Mrs. O.R. Hodgin - Civil Leader Thomasville
DAVIE Mr. Knox Johnstone*- Manuf. Mocksville
Miss Mary Heitman - Writer Mocksvi1le
Mr. R.C. Goforth - Pastor Mocksvi1le
Mr. Harmon McMahan Fa rme r Farmington
Mr. T.C. Caudell - Mayor Mocksville
DUPLIN Mr. J.E. Jerrett* - Gen. Mgr. Kenansville
Mr. J.C. Bowman - Supt. Schools Kenansville
Mr. Aubrey J. Harrell Manuf. Wallace
Mrs. E.F. Hinman Manu f. Warsaw
DURHAM Mr. C.T. Council* - Manuf. Durham
Mr. M.L. Carver - Farme r Rougemont
Mr. M.J^. Briggs Manu f. Durham
**Mr. CC Spaulding - Capitalist Durham
Mr. Knox Massey Civil Leader Durham
EDGECOMBE Mr C.A. Johnson* Banker Tarboro
Rev. Chester Alexander Minister Tarboro
Mr. C.C. Ward Banker Rocky Mount
Mr. Robert V. Knight - Farmer Speed
Mr. W.E. Eagles - Banker Macolesfield
FORSYTH Mr. G.W. Coan, Jr.* Mayor Winston-Salem
Mr. A.F. Payne, Jr. Merchant Rural Hill
Mrs. J.R. Paddison Welfare Bd. Kernersville
Mrs. George Blum - Civil Leader Winston-Salem
Rev. R.E. Gribben Red Cross Winston-Salem
Mr. L.K. Martin - Lawyer Winston-Salem
Mr. W.T. Ritter - Secretary Winston-Salem
FRANKLIN Mr. W.E. White* - Merchant Louisburg
Mr. R.W. Smithwick - Manuf. Louisburg
Mr. D.T. Dickie Farme r Henderson
Mr. E.L. Green Fa rme r Youngsville
140
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
GASTON Mr. W.F. Garrison*- Manuf. Gastonia
Mr. John L. Beal Builder Gastonia
Mr. Tom W. Sparrow - Farmer Gastonia
Mr. H.H. Huss - Supt. Schools Cherryville
Mr. D.P. Stowe - Textile Manuf. Belmont
Mr. H.B. Ketchum Textile Manuf. Mt. Holly
Mr. Carl E. Carpenter Banker Bessemer City
GATES Mr. WTSm..EP. ..Cross - Regis, of Deeds GatesvilleMr. Cross - Merchant/Farmer GatesvilleMr. Parker - Merchant Gates
Mr . F.H. Rountree Manu f . Sunbury
GRAHAM Mr. L.C. Bemis* Lumber Dealer Robbinsvi1le
Mr. W.B. Wiggins - Co. Farm Agent Robbinsville
Mr. S.S. Hooper - Farmer Robbinsville
Mr. C.A. Bales Farmer Tapoc o
Mr. Harley Hyde Merchant Stecosh
GRANVILLE Mr. J.W. Medford* Ba nke r Oxford
Mr. Calude Allen Farme r Creedmoor
Mr. C.A. Stovall Farmer Virginia
GREENE Mr . M.C. Lassiter* Insurance Snow Hill
Mr. J.C. Exum - Merchant Snow Hill
Mr. G.W. Edwards - Auditor Snow Hill
Mr. Harry Taylor - Mayor Hookerton
Mr. J.S. Whitley - Merchant Walstonburg
GUILFORD Mr. J.R. Peacock* Insurance High Point
Judge Lewis W. Teague - City Ct. High Point
Mr. Frank J. Sizemore Chmbr Comm High Point
Mr. W. B. McEwen Manu f. High Point
Mrs. R.K. Stewart Civil Leader High Point
Mr. W.M. Evans - Lawyer High Point
Mr. J.O. House Labor Representa. High Point
Mr. D.E. Hudgins* - Lawyer Greensboro
Mr. Walter Shrock Union Leader Greensboro
Mr. J.R. Oettinger - Manuf. Greensboro
Mr. Charles Ketchum Chmbr. Comm. Greensboro
Mrs. Henry Foust - Civil Leader Greensboro
Mr. Ralph Lewis - FERA Council Greensboro
HALIFAX Mr. C.S. Vinson - County Auditor Halifax
Mr. F.H. Gregory*- Banker Halifax
Mr. D.W. Seifort Manu f. Weldon
Dr. W.G. Suiter - Physician Weldon
141
TABLE I Continued: MATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
HARNETT Mr. H.L. Steele Editor Li1lington
Mr. H.B. Taylor* - Mayor Dunn
Mr. S.H. Wilborn Merchant Li 1lington
Mr. G.D. Monroe Manu f. Li1lington
Mr. H.D. Hood Dunn
HAYWOOD Mr. J.H. Howell* - Mayor Waynesville
Mr. W.A. Hyatt - Co. Comm. Waynesville
Mr. W.T. Shelton - Merchant Waynesville
Mr. W.C. Russ - Editor Waynesville
Mr. Roy Francis - Lawyer Waynesville
Mrs. D.D. Alley - Civil Leader Waynesville
Mr. H.A. Osborne Bd. of Edu. Canton
HENDERSON Mr. A.V. Edwards* - Mayor Hendersonville
Mr. L.R. Geiger - Merchant Hendersonville
Mr. C.M. Ogle - Editor Hendersonville
Mrs. O.A. Meyer - Civil Leader Hende rsonvilie
Mr. D.G. Wilkie Merchan t Tuxedo
Mr. T.C. Wisnant (R) Contractor Hendersonville
Mr. Claude Sales Merchant Fie tche r
HERTFORD Mr. J.N. Vann*- Merchant Ahoskie
Mr. J.R. Parker Editor Ahoskie
Mr. William Rogers - Mayor Ashoskie
Mr. W.D. Boone - Lawye r Winton
Mr. M.E. Worrell - Merchant Murf reesboro
HOKE Mr. J.A. McDiarmid* Farmer Rae ford
Mr. T.D. Potter Farme r Rae ford
Mr. J.E. Conoly - Merchant Raeford
Mr. John McPhaul Farme r Shannon
HYDE Mr. J.A. Lupton* - Farmer Scranton
Mr. H.E. Swindell Farme r Fairfield
Mr. R.S. Spencer - Farmer Englehard
IREDELL Mr. T. Garland Shelton* Manu f. Statesville
Mr. E.R. Rankin Mayor Statesville
Mr. L.C. Wagoner - Manuf. Statesvi1le
Mr. Clarence McNeeley - Banker Mooresville
Mr. O.A. Dearman Merchant Harmony
142
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
JACKSON Mr. D.D. Cowan* Clerk Sylva
Mr T.A. Cox - Engineer Cullowhee
Mr. C.B. Robinson Lumberman East Laporte
Mr. R.F. Hall - Farmer Whittier
Mr. P.N. Price Farmer Tuckaseegee
Mrs. E.L. McKee - Civil Leader Sylva
Mr. W.C. Reed - (R) Teacher Sylva
JOHNSTON Mr. Everett Stevens*- Mayor Smithfield
Mrs. T.J. Lassiter Editor Smithfield
Mr. C.H. Beddingfield - Drugist Clayton
Dr. E.H. Booker - Physician Selma
JONES Mr. J.R. Lowry* - Farmer/Banker Trenton
Mr. F. Brock - Farmer Tren ton
Mr. W.W. Barker Farme r Trenton
Mr. R.P. Bender Lawye r Pollocksvilie
Mr. G.E. Weeks Pres. Motor Co. Maysvi1le
LEE Mr. W. Banks Wilkins* - Mayor Sanford
Mr. E.W. Underwood - Manuf. Sanford
Mr. J.A. Dalrymple - Merchant Jonesboro
Mr. D.W. Shaw - Banker Broadway
Mr. J.M. Wilcox - Farmer Sanford
LENOIR Mr. E.V. Webb* Tobacconist Kinston
Mr. Dixie Moore Builder Kinston
Mr. George Skinner - Manuf. Kinston
Mr. L.P. Tyndall Merchant Pink Hill
Mr. J.R. Fields Farmer Kinston
LINCOLN Mr. B.C. Lineberger (R) - Buyer Lincolnton
Mr. J.A. Abernethy - Manuf. Lincolnton
Mr. T.H. Cansler Civil Leader Lincolnton
Mr. D.B. Rhyne - Merchant Iron Station
MCDOWELL Dr. B.A. Dickson* - Physician Marion
Mr. J.M. Snoddy - Mill Worker Marion
Mr. H.H. Tate - Mayor Marion
Mr. I.L. Caplan - Druggist Old Fort
Mr. R.V. McGimpsey - Court Officer Hebor
Mrs. Robert Noyes - Civ. Leader Marion
Mr. Gaston Justice Civ. Leader Marion
143
TABLE I Continued; NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
MACON Mr. W. Gibson* County Comm. Franklin
Miss Elizabeth Slagle - Civ. Ldr. Franklin
Mr. O.E. Rickman - Fa rme r Lea the rman
Mr. W.G. Stewart - Farme r Otto
Rev. William Potts - Preacher Highlands
Mr. Tom Bryson - Merchant Franklin
Mr. Carl Slagle Merchant Franklin
MADISON Mr. L. Reed* County Acct. Marshal1
Mr. D.M. Robinson - Supt. Schools Marshall
Mr. W.A. Whitehdurst (R) Banker Marshal1
Mrs. M.H. Tweed (R) Merchant White Rock
Dr. L. McElroy - Physician Marshal1
Mr. Zeb Whitt - Grange Operator Marshall
Mr. D.G. Church - Lumberman Hot Springs
MARTIN Mr. W.C. Manning* - Editor Williams ton
Mr. J.L. Hassell - Mayor Williamston
Mr. C.A. Harrison Grocer Williamston
Mr. Vernon Ward - Bd. of Welfare Robersonvi1le
Mr. T.B. Slade - Farmer Hami1 ton
MECKLENBURG
Mr. J.L. Wilkinson* Pres. Charlotte
Mr. L.G. Ratcliffe - Florist Charlotte
Mr. F.C. Sherill - Manuf Cornelius
Mr. T.W. Sadler - Merchant Paw Creek
Mr. C.L. Albea - Pres. Labor Charlotte
Mr. Charles Lambeth Insurance Charlotte
Mrs. C.W. Tillett, Jr., Civ. Leader Charlotte
MITCHELL Mr. A.N. Fuller* Merchant Spruce Pine
Mr. B.C. Burgess (R) Merchant Spruce Pine
Mr. Mitchell Butler Fa rme r Buladean
Mr. George L. Greene Lawyer Bake rsvi1le
Mr. N.H. Yelton Supt. Schools Bake rsvi1le
Dr. C.F. Lambert - Physician Spruce Pine
Mr. E.H. Poteat Ba nke r Bake rsvi1le
MONTGOMERY Mr. R.T. Poole* - Lawyer Troy
Mr. G.T. McCaulay - Merchant Mt. Gilead
Mr. J.S. Edwards - Supt. Schools Troy
Mr. P.C. Clark - Peach Grower Candor
Mr. H.N. Steed - Fruit Grower Candor
144
TABLE 1 Continued; NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
MOORE Mr. M.C. McDonald* Merchan t West End
Mr. W.H. Currie - Hosiery Manuf. Carthage
Mr. H. Burns - City Clerk Southern Pines
Mr. J.V. Rowe - Mayor Aberdeen
Mr. M.G. Boyette Lawyer Carthage
Mr. Edgar Brown - Farmer Hemp
Mr. L.B. McKeithan Miller Cameron
NASH Mr. G.L. Jones* Merchant Nashville
Mr. M.C. Gulley - Merchant Nashville
Mr. R.R. Gay - Banker Rocky Mount
Dr. E.C. Powell - Physician Middle sex
NEW HANOVER Mr. W.H. Montgomery* - Kiwanis Wilmington
Mr. J.R. Hollis Co. Welfare WiImington
Mr. W.A. McGirt - Insurance WiImington
Mr. J.H. Curtis - Labor WiIming ton
Mr. Fred E. Little Printer WiImington
NORTHAMPTON Mr. E.S. Bowers* - Merchant Jackson
Mr. J.G. Stancell - Farme r Seaboard
Mr. B.D. Stephenson - Farmer Pendleton
Dr. J.W. Brown - Physician Rich Square
Mr. E.B. Lassiter Merchant Potecasie
ONSLOW Mr. L.E. Freeman*- Insurance Jacksonville
Mr. E.W. Summersill Lawye r Jacksonville
Mr. E.H. Walton Farme r Jacksonvi1le
Mr. C.S. Ward - Merchant Swansboro
Mr. Norwood Cox - Mayor Richlands
ORANGE Mr. CB..DT.. Sawyer Lawye r HillsboroMr. Durham* - Druggist Chapel Hill
Mr. P.L. Burch - Supv. UNC Chapel Hill
Mrs. S.C. Forest Civ. Leader Efland
Mr. O.L. Crabtree Merchant Hillsboro
Mr. Gilbert Ray - Co. Acct. Hi1Isboro
Mr. Mooday Durham - Merchant Chapel Hill
PAMLICO Mr. G.G. Brinson* - Merchant Reelsboro
Mr. L.H. Ballard RR Agent Oriental
Mr. J.W. Cowell - Farm Broker Rayboro
Mr. Ralph Mayo - Farmer/Merchant Hobucken
145
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
PASQUOTANK Mr. S.H. Johnson* - Banker Elizabeth City
Rev. E.F. Hill - Preacher Elizabeth City
Mr. W.B. Foreman - Manuf. Elizabeth City
Mr. W.C. Etheridge - Farmer Elizabeth City
Mr. J.C. Jennings - Mail Carrier Weeksville
PENDER Mr. Robert G. Johnson* Lawyer Burgaw
Mr. D.J. Farrior Merchant Burgaw
Mr. R.T. Murray - Farmer Burgaw
Mr. George H. Highsmith - Manuf. Atkinson
Mr. S.G. Hayes - Merchant/Farmer Rocky Point
PERQUIMANS Mr. W.F. Edwards* Co. Auditor Hertford
Mr. S.M. Long - Farmer Hertford
Dr. C.A. Davenport - Physician Hertford
Mr. A.W. Heffern - Lumber Manuf. Hertford
Mr. Earle M. Perry Fa rme r Durants Neck
PERSON Mr. N. Lunsford* - Lawyer Roxboro
Mr. D.L. Whitfield - School Bd. Hurdle Mills
Mr. S.M. Neal (R) Farmer Semora
Mr. R.B. Dawes Mayor Roxboro
Mr. J.R. Franklin Farme r Semora
PITT Mr. A.B. Corey* - Lawyer Greenville
Mr. E.G. Flanagan - Banker Greenville
Mr. Julian White Pre s.S&L Greenville
Mr. T.E. Joyner - Furniture Dir. Farmvi1le
Mrs. J.B. Spillman - Civil Ldr. Greenville
Dr. M.T. Frizzelle - Physician Ayden
Mr. Leighton Blount - Banker Bethel
POLK Mr. M.R. McCown* Lawye r Tryon
Miss Mae Irele Flentye - Civ. Ldr. Tryon
Mr. C.A. Jolly Melvin Hill
Mr. Roy Baisden - Social Wkr. Saluda
Miss Evelyn Cole - Civ. Ldr. Tryon
Mr. C.H. Helms - City Mgr. Tryon
Mr. Henry Thompson - Farmer Mill Springs
RANDOLPH Mr. J.D. Ross* - Ba nke r Asheboro
Mr. E.H. Cranford - Coal Dir. Asheboro
Mr. W.C. Hammer - Civ. Leader Asheboro
Mrs. I.F. Craven Manu f. Liberty
Mr. E.C. Williamson Co. Comm Ramseur
Mr. Ernest Talley - Merchant Rankleman
Mr. Deak Finch Manuf. Trinity
146
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
RICHMOND Dr. H.J. Rollins* - Physician Rockingham
Miss Esdale Shaw Civ. Leader Rockingham
Mr. L.D. Frutchey - Merchant Mt. Gilead
Mr. W.G. Pittman Lawyer/Mayor Rockingham
Mr. O.M. Brady - Merchant Ellerbe
Dr. B.W. Williamson - Mayor Hamlet
Mrs. Archie McDougald - Civ. Ldr. Hamlet
ROBESON Mr. E.M. Johnson* - Lawyer Lumberton
Mr. J.A. Sharpe - Editor Lumberton
Mr. Paul Thompson - Druggist Fairmont
Mr. J.B. Humphrey - Farmer Red Springs
Mr. H.A. McKinnon - Lawyer Maxton
Dr. D.S. Currie - Physician Park ton
Mr. A.B. McRae - Farmer Elrod
ROCKINGHAM Mr E.W. Pitcher* - Textile Manuf. Spray
Mrs. E.A. Kemp - Civ. Leader Reidsville
Mr. D.R. Mayberry - Lawyer Reidsville
Mrs. P.W. Glidewell Civ. Ldr. Reidsville
Mr. P.C. Moore - Merchant/Mayor Madison
Mrs. John B. Bay - Club Woman Leaksville
ROWAN Mr. Henry Davis* Mayor Salisbury
Mr. J.F. Hurley, Jr. Editor Salisbury
Mr. C. Sloop - Mayor China Grove
Rev. Marshall Woodson Preacher Salisbury
Mr. F. Gardner Supt. Cotton Mill Salisbury
Mr. P.T. Fowler - Mayor/Engineer Spencer
Mrs. Claude S. Morris Civil Ldr. Salisbury
RUTHERFORD Mr. S.E. Elmore* - Mayor Spindale
Mr. J.T. Arnett - Mayor Lake Lure
Mrs. J.T. Alexander - Club Woman Forest City
Mr. E.E. Harrill - Corone r Ellenboro
Dr. Rupter S. Daves - Physician Rutherfordton
Mr. F.E. Patton Farm Agent Ruthe rfordton
SAMPSON Mr. P.W. Carr* - Mayor Clinton
Mr. C.B. Barruss Civ. Leader Clinton
Mr. J.S. Royal - Manuf. Clinton
Mr. Nettie Parker Red Cross Clinton
Mr. J.H. Harris - Mayor Roseboro
Mr. J.A. Baker Civ. Leader Roseboro
Mr. W.R. Britt Farmer Turkey
147
TABLE I Continued; NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
SCOTLAND Mr. O.L. Moore* Editor Laurinburg
Mr. J.W. Hollis Audi tor Laurinburg
Mr. H.G. Monroe Fa rme r Laurinbu rg
Dr. J.G. Pate- Physician Gibson
STANLY Mr. H. Armfield* • Co. Tax Supv. Albemarle
Mr. H.S. Freeman • Merchant Norwood
Mr. B.B. Melton - Chief of Police Badi n
Mr. W.W. Culp - Farmer New London
Mr. Grady C. Greene - Fa rme r Stanfield
STOKES Dr. J.L. Haynes - Physician Pine Hall
Mr. H.H. Brown County Coroner King
Mr. E.F. Stone Farme r Pinnacle
Mr. H.R. McPherson Real Estate Walnut Cove
Mr. H.F. Christian Farme r Westfield
Miss Laura Ellington - Teacher Sandy Ridge
SURRY Mr. R.E. Lawrence* Chief of Pol. Mt. Airy
Mr. H.K. Swanson - Mayor Pilot Mountain
W.A. Neaves - Supt. Mills Elkin
P.G. Lowe Merchant Low Gap
Mr. W.E. Woodruff Florist Mt. Airy
Mrs. A.D. Folger - Civ. Leader Dodson
Mrs. J.H. Fulgram - Civ. Leader Mountain Park
SWAIN Mr. K.E. Bennett* - Druggist Bryson City
Mr. E.R. Fisher Merchant Bu shness
Mr. A.S. Queen Merchant We s se r
Mrs. B.C. Jones - Lawyer Bryson City
Mrs. W.L. Ammon Civ. Leader Almond
Mr. L. Lominae Farme r Ela
TRANSYLVANIA A.H. Kiser - Camp Supv. Breva rd
Miss Julia Deaver - Teacher Pisgah Forest
Mrs. Nan Norton Civ. Leader Oakland
Mr. J Jerome* Bank Official Breva rd
TYRRELL Mr. D.J. Spruill - Amer. Legion Columbia
Mr. S.J. Holoway - Mayor Columbia
Mrs. J.G. Brickhouse, Jr., Civ Ldr. Columbia
Mr. C.J. Cahoon Farmer Columbia
Mr. Floye E. Cohoon Fa rme r Columbia
148
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
UNION Mr. C.S. Massey* - Merchant Waxhaw
Mr. J.V. Kindley - Farmer Waxhaw
Mr. W.D. Harrell - Merchant Ma rshvi1le
Mr. R.O. McWhirter Merchant Wingate
Mr. M.W. Williams - Amer. Legion Monroe
VANCE Mr. S.B. Rogers* Merchant Henderson
Mr. I.B. Watkins Lawye r Hende rson
Mr. J.R. Brodie - Ret. Capitalist Henderson
Mr. John D. Cooper Textile Manuf. Henderson
Mr. John Boddie Crudup - Manuf. Henderson
WAKE Mr. J.R. Weatherspoon* - Ins. Raleigh
Dr. H.O. Lineberger - Dentist Raleigh
Prof. C.L. Mann - NC State Univ. Raleigh
Mrs.S.D. Garrison Printers Union Raleigh
Mr. Karl G. Hudson Ma nu f. Raleigh
Mr. W.A. Brame Mayor Wendell
Dr. J.M. Judd - Physician Varina
WARREN Mr. S.G. Burroughs* - Merchant Warrenton
Mr. W.N. Boyd - Tobacconist Warren ton
Mr. Paul Bell - Ins./Banker Warrenton
Mr. R.T. Watson - Banker Waren ton
Mr. Lloyd C. Kinsey - Manuf. Warrenton
WASHINGTON Mr. W.R. Hampton* Chr.Co.Comm . Plymout h
Mr. E.F. Still - Manu f. Plymouth
Senator C.L. Bailey - Lawyer Plymouth
Mr. L.E. Hassell Farme r Rope r
Mr. J.C. Gatlin Merchant Croswell
WATAUGA Mr. R.C. Rivers, Jr.* Editor Boone
Mr. Raleph Greer - Salesman Boone
Mr. W.W. Mast Merchant Valle Crucia
Mr. Linny Greene - Farmer Zionvi1le
Mr. Charlie Triplet - Merchant Triplet
WAYNE Mr. Talbot Patrick* Editor Goldsboro
Mr. W.L. Rawlings - Manuf. Goldsboro
Miss Gertrude Weil Civ. Leader Goldsboro
Mr. Leslie Crawford Merchant Pikeville
Mr. S.B. Taylor - Manuf. Mt. Olive
149
TABLE I Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES
COUNTY NAME ADDRESS
WILKES Mr. J.C. Rains*- Demo. Party WiIkesboro
Mr. D.J. Brookshire - Farme r WiIkesboro
Mr. M.B. Smithey - Co. Comm. North Wilkesboro
Mr. C.T. Doughton - Farmer WiIkesboro
WILSON Mr. Johnson King* - Tobacconist Wilson
Rev. John Barclay - Preacher Wilson
Mrs. Mary. Churchwell, Civ. Ldr. Wilson
Mr. R.T. Harrison Farmer Sims
Mrs. L.S. Farmer Farmer Elm City
YADKIN Mr. Paul Davis* Co. Comm. Yadkinville
Prof. J.T. Reece - Supt. Schools Yadkinville
Mr. Lloyd Craver - Manuf. Yadkinvi1le
Mr. Henry Davis East Bend
Mr. M.J. Bryant - Mayor Jonesville
Mr. W.M. Parks Bd. of Edu. Hamptonville
Mr. A.B. Hobson Farme r Boonvilie
YANCEY Mr. D.R. Fouts* - Mayor Burnsville
Mrs. Zeb Hall Civ. Leader Burnsville
Mr. D.R. Penland - (R) Lumberman Burnsvi1le
Mr. D.M. Buck - Farmer Bald Mountain
Mr. D.C. Bailey - Farmer Toledo
Mr. Jobe Thomas Lunday
Mr. Charles Robinson Celo
? Denotes Chairman of Committee
? ? Denotes Black Appointee
(R) Denotes Republican
Source: May Thompson Evans Papers, Collection 1466.20, North
Carolina Division of Archives and History, Raleigh.
TABLE II
FEDERAL HIGHWAY FUNDS APPROPRIATED JUNE 1933
STATES TOTAL
Alabama $ 8,370,133
Arizona 5.211.960
Arkansa s 6,748,335
California 15,607,354
Colorado 6,874,530
Connec ticut 2,865,740
Delaware 1,819,088
Florida 5,231,834
Georgia 10,091,185
Idaho 4,486,249
Illinois 17,570,770
Indiana 10,037,843
Iowa 10,055,660
Kansas 10,089,604
Kentucky 7,517,359
Louisiana 5,828,591
Maine 3.369.917
Maryland 3,564,527
Massachusettes 6,597,100
Michigan 12,736,227
Minnesota 10,656,569
Mississippi 6,978,675
Missouri 12,180,306
Montana 7,439,748
Nebraska 7.828.961
Nevada 4.545.917
New Hampshire 1,909,839
New Jersey 6,346,039
New Mexico 5,792,935
New York 22,330,101
North Carolina 9,522,293
North Dakota 5,804,448
Ohio 15,484,592
Oklahoma 9,216,798
Oregon 6,106,896
Pennsylvania 18,891,004
Rhode Island 1.998.708
South Carolina 5,449,165
South Dakota 6,011,479
Tennessee 8,492,619
Texas 24,244,024
Utah 4.194.708
Vermont 1,867,573
Virginia 7,416,757
Washington 6,155,867
West Virginia 4,474,234
Wisconsin 9,724,881
151
TABLE II Continued: FEDERAL HIGHWAY FUNDS - APPROPRIATIONS
FOR JUNE 1933
STATES TOTAL
Wyoming 4,501,327
District of Columbia 1,918,469
Hawaii 1,871,062
TOTAL $394,000,000
Source: Works Projects Administration, "F.E.R.A. States
General", Record Group 69, Box 74, National Archives,
Washington, D.C.
TABLE III
FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION APPROVED MONTHLY
OPERATING BUDGETS FOR NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT OFFICES - AUGUST 1933
STATE AMOUNT
Alabama $ 675.00
Arizona 1,000.00
Arkansas 1,750.00
California 2,500.00
Colorado 1,675.00
Connecticut 900.00
Delaware 600.00
Florida 1,500.00
Georgia 1,800.00
Ida ho 1,000.00
Illinois 3,500.00
Indiana 1,600.00
Iowa 2,000.00
Kansas 2,000.00 .
Kentucky 1,500.00
Louisiana 1,900.00
Maine 1,500.00
Maryland 2,200.00
Massachusettes 4,000.00
Michigan 3,000.00
Minnesota 2,000.00
Mississippi 1,000.00
Montana 1,800.00
Nebraska 1,500.00
Nevada 875.00
New Hampshire 2,000.00
New Jersey 4,400.00
New Mexico 1,110.00
New York 8,225.00
North Carolina 2,500.00
North Dakota 900.00
Ohio 1,500.00
Oregon 1,400.00
Pennsylvania* 8,000.00
Rhode Island
South Carolina 1,900.00
South Dakota 1,000.00
Tennessee 1,500.00
Texas 5,000.00
Utah 1,200.00
Vermont 600.00
Virginia 2,000.00
Washington 2,000.00
153
TABLE III Continued; NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT OPERATING BUDGETS
STATE AMOUNT
West Virginia 1,500.00
Wisconsin 2,000.00
TOTAL $ 85,310.00
*Denotes Three Month Budget
Source; Works Project Administration, "F.E.R.A. Civil Works
Administration Old Subject File", Record Group 69, Box
59, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
TABLE IV
FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION STATISTICS;
RELIEF FAMILIES ELIGIBLE FOR EMPLOYMENT WITH THE NATIONAL
REEMPLOYMENT SERVICE OCTOBER 1933
STATE % RECEIVING RELIEF % URBAN % RURAL
Alabama 16.7 29.9 70.1
Arizona 19.3 44.3 55.7
Arkansas 11.0 39.1 60.9
California 7.3 85.5 14.5
Colorado 8.5 74.7 25.3
Connecticut 6.2 80.6 19.4
Delaware 9.9 80.6 19.4
Dist. of Coloumbia 9.7 100.0 0
Florida 27.2 54.2 45.8
Georg i a 10.7 49.0 51.0
Idaho 5.0 49.1 50.9
Illinois 11.8 84.6 15.4
Indiana 8.1 71.6 28.4
Iowa 5.5 69.5 30.5
Kansas 9.5 58.8 41.2
Kentucky 16.2 18.5 81.5
Louisiana 15.8 50.5 49.5
Maine 4.5 45.6 54.4
Maryland 8.3 84.8 15.2
Massachuse t tes 8.8 93.6 6.4
Michigan 12.9 68.2 31.8
Minnesota 7.5 79.0 21.0
Mississippi 11.6 26.0 74.0
Mos souri 6.1 76.3 23.7
Montana 13.9 47.8 52.2
Nebraska 4.0 68.1 31.9
Nevada 11.6 43.3 56.7
New Hampshire 4.2 75.4 24.6
New Jersey 8.6 86.7 13.3
New Mexico 6.7 37.7 62.3
New York 9.7 88.7 11.3
North Carolina 8.7 37.6 62.4
North Dakota 6.9 16.7 83.3
Ohio 11.9 76.8 23.2
Oklahoma 19.0 30.2 69.8
Oregon 6.3 73.3 26.7
Pennsylvania 14.5 64.1 35.9
Rhode Island 6.5 94.7 5.3
South Carolina 24.4 28.8 71.2
South Dakota 13.9 18 . 5 81.5
Tennessee 6.5 40.9 59.1
Texas 7.6 70.3 29.7
Utah 14.1 65.4 34.6
155
TABLE IV Continued; RELIEF FAMILIES ELIGIBLE FOR EMPLOYMENT
WITH THE NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT SERVICE
OCTOBER 1933
STATE % RECEIVING RELIEF % URBAN % RURAL
Ve rmont 3.2 58.9 41.1
Virginia 2.8 64.3 35.7
Washington 8.9 68.6 3 1.4
West Virginia 23.1 24.4 75.6
Wisconsin 9.5 72.7 27.3
Wyoming 2.6 47.8 52.2
United States 10.6 63.7 36.3
Source: Works Project Administration, "F.E.R.A. Civil Works
Administration States General", Record Group 69, Box
33, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
TABLE V
NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT SERVICE RELIEF STATISTICS OCTOBER 1933
STATE UNEMPL. RESIST. PLACED RELIEF
Alabama 250,000 8,000
Arizona 30,000 13,000 1,932 1,477
California 1,300,000 9,000 4,441 750
Colorado 90,000 25,000 1,600 800
Connecticut 90,000 4,269 195 39
Delaware 25,000 1,936 29 8 99
Florida 150,000 25,000 400 133
Georg i a 100,000 5,000 100 10
Idaho 25,000 16,256 3,649 730
I1linois 800,000 687 300 100
Indiana 170,000 ? 5,000 5,000
Iowa 110,000 35,000 2,500 1,700
Kansa s 125,000 8,000 700 350
Kentucky 19 6,000 1,200 100
Louisiana 90,000 32,084 681 ?
Maine 55,000 17,344 7,149 714
Maryland 90,000 26,000 1,200 600
Massachusettes 430,000 7,000 1,000 333
Michigan 375,000 827 885 575
Minnesota 160,000 20,189 1,843 461
Mississippi 100,000 4,500
Missouri ? 22,875 1,261 ?
Montana 90,000 15,503 982 107
Nebraska 70,000 62,000 3,000 900
Nevada 8,000 3,946 639 125
New Hampshire 20,000 12,000 850 8
New Jersey 509,000 3,000 17 8
New Mexico 22,000 12,000 900 200
New York 1,200,000 21,924 1,865 621
North Carolina 125,000 39,966 2,721 721
North Dakota 25,000 8,000 1,000 250
Oh io 660,000 16,414 1,225 ?
Oklahoma 350,000 1,067 292 178
Oregon 90,000 8,000 2,100 282
Pennsylvania 1,037,606 5,672 1,261 834
Rhode Island 75,000 20,271 163 42
South Carolina 100,000 30,187 3,916 2,500
South Dakota 70,000 23,989 1,253 120
Tennessee 100,000 46,831 681 136
Texas 450,000 34,963 2,178 411
Utah 40,000 18,650 1,464 366
Vermont 13,500 7,200 2,400 840
Virginia 100,000 30,000 1,600 800
Washington 140,000 35,000 2,000 1,000
West Virginia 100,000 22,316 1,000 125
157
TABLE V Continued: NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT SERVICE RELIEF
STATISTICS - OCTOBER 1933
STATE UNEMPL. REGIST. PLACED RELIEF
Wisconsin 150,000 13,443 1,192 358
Wyoming 11,000 11,000 920 460
TOTALS 10,207,106 786,509 72,978 26,162
Source: Works Project Administration, "F.E.R.A. Old Subject
File", Record Group 69, Box 89, National Archives,
Washington, D.C.
TABLE VI
NORTH CAROLINA NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT CLERICAL COSTS PAID BY THE
CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION AND THE FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF
ADMINISTRATION 1933-1935
COUNTY TOTAL
Alamance $2,185.81
Alexander 727.92
Alleghany 932.50
Anson 775.25
Ashe 315.00
Ave ry 456.44
Be au fort 760.00
Bertie 126.00
Bladen 912.50
Brunswick
Buncombe 884.85
Burke 1,458.30
Cabarru s 1,118.95
Caldwell 696.90
Camden
Carteret 1,480.85
Ca swel1 106.05
Catawba
Chatham 569.80
Che rokee 748.80
Chowan 378.60
Clay 310.60
Cleveland
Columbus 641.15
Craven 28 5.3 0
Cumberland 796.95
Currituck
Dare 376.50
Davidson
Davie 186.00
Duplin 599.03
Durham 1,555.05
Edgecombe 267.40
Rocky Mount 769.30
Forsyth
Winston-Salem 1,198.65
Franklin 355.20
Gaston 1,118.37
Gate s 542.15
Graham 442.75
Granville 1,058.58
Greene
Guilford 526.15
159
TABLE VI Continued: NORTH CAROLINA NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT
SERVICE COSTS PAID BY THE C.W.A.
AND THE F.E.R.A. FOR 1933-1935
COUNTY TOTAL
Greensboro 735.02
High Point 4,124.50
Halifax 364.70
Ha rne11
Haywood 431.25
Hende rson 431.25
Hertford 182.95
Hoke 189.50
Hyde 249.00
Iredell 1,287.35
Jackson 627.65
Johnston 621.25
Jone s 2,179.80
Lee 79.00
Lenoir 2,337.56
Lincoln 50.00
Macon 633.55
Madison 228.90
Martin 85.20
McDowel1 1,097.20
Mecklenburg 4,034.95
Mitchell 62.10
Montgomery 1,188.45
Moore 838.35
Nash 144.90
New Hanover 1,621.05
Northampton 699.30
Orange 443.15
Onslow 782.70
Pamlico 312.00
Pasquotank 627.45
Pender 943.00
Perquimans
Person 382.60
Pitt 1,097.00
Polk 38.50
Randolph 1,2 19.70
Richmond 956.85
Robeson 1,779.6 5
Rockingham 212.50
Rowan 1,399.84
Ru t he rf ord 1,065.20
Sampson 733.05
Scotland 194.25
Stanley 905.85
Stokes 208.00
Surry 962.80
160
TABLE VI Continued: NORTH CAROLINA NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT
SERVICE COSTS PAID BY THE C.W.A. AND
F.E.R.A. FOR 1933-1935
COUNTY TOTAL
Swain
Translyvania 1,727.30
Tyrell 314.30
Union 106.00
Vance 1,289.10
Wake 4,393.22
Warren 1,012.35
Washington 546.00
Wayne 2,322.01
Watauga 273.00
WiIke s
Source; J.S. Kirk, ed.. Emergency Relief in North Carolina
(Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Company, 1936), 449-
537.
TABLE VII
FEDERAL ALLOTMENT BY COUNTY FOR CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION
PROJECTS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
COUNTY NUMBER OF WORKERS
Alamance 780
Alexander 287
Alleghany 178
Anson 581
Ashe 471
Avery 294
Beau fo rt 673
Bertie 644
Bladen 442
Brun swick 394
Buncombe 975
Asheville* 1,384
Burke 671
Cabarrus 794
Caldwel1 563
Camden 131
Carteret 539
Caswell 467
Catawba 1,024
Chatham 527
Che rokee 328
Chowan 227
Clay 147
Cleveland 880
Columbus 662
Craven 779
Cumberland 919
Currituck 146
Dare 164
Davidson 958
Davie 325
Duplin 725
Durham 1,453
Edgecombe 668
Rocky Mount* 466
Forsyth 769
Winston-Salem* 1,583
Franklin 503
Gaston 1,414
Gates 217
Graham 168
Granville 590
Greene 359
Guilford 830
Greensboro* 1,321
162
TABLE VII Continued: FEDERAL ALLOTMEtSlT FOR C.W.A. PROJECTS
IN NORTH CAROLINA
COUNTY NUMBER OF WORKERS
High Point 1,068
Halifax 961
Harnett 663
Haywood 595
Henderson 464
Hert ford 427
Hoke 269
Hyde 199
Iredel 1 1,003
Jackson 303
Johnston 1,130
Jone s 217
Lee 452
Lenoir 791
Lincoln 438
Macon 260
Madison 527
Martin 422
McDowell 501
Mecklenburg 3,351
Mitchell 277
Montgomery 422
Moore 673
Nash 743
New Hanover 1,185
Northampton 531
Onslow 303
Orange 453
Pamlico 267
Pasquotank 377
Pender 355
Perquimans '214
Person 546
Pitt 1,023
Polk 214
Randolph 799
Richmond 668
Robe son 1,315
Rockingham 928
Rowan 1,212
Rutherford 784
Sampson 701
Scotland 391
Stanly 526
Stoke s 522
Surry 845
Swain 232
Transylvania 219
163
TABLE VII Continued: FEDERAL ALLOTMEtSIT FOR C.W.A. PROJECTS
IN NORTH CAROLINA
COUNTY NUMBER OF WORKERS
Tyrrel1 267
Un ion 762
Wake 1,436
Raleigh* 1,044
Warren 510
Washing ton 242
Watauga 381
Wayne 1,080
Wilkes 778
Wilson* 958
Yadkin 436
Yancy 269
*Denotes City.
Source: Raleigh News and Observer, November 21, 1933
TABLE VIII
AVERAGE HOURLY WAGE ON FEDERAL/STATE HIGHWAY PROJECTS BY STATES
BUREAU OF PUBLIC ROADS / U.S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE
1933
STATE FOREMEN TEAMSTERS SKILLED LABOR COMMON LABOR
Alabama $ . 28 $ .22 $ .32 $ .25
Arizona .60 .54 .74 . 50
Arkansas
California .84 .58 .78 .52
Colorado .50 .38
Connecticuit . 52 .35 .49 .31
Delaware .54 . 29 .40 . 28
Florida .34 . 18 .33 . 16
Georgia . 27 .14 . 26 .14
Idaho .64 .38 .60 .42
Illinois .65 .48 .62 .47
Indiana .48 .28 .36 .27
Iowa .59 .33 .56 .37
Kansas . 50 .37 .45 .34
Kentucky .48 .30 .34 .20
Louisiana . 50 . 16 .36 . 16
Maine .57 .45 .27
Maryland .57 .28 .45 . 28
Massachusettes .77 .57 .61 .39
Mich iga n .53 .35 .45 .32
Minnesota .96 .45 .50 .45
Mississippi .34 .12 .32 .12
Mis souri .52 .35 .50 .34
Montana
Nebraska .53 .35 .48 .30
Nevada
New Hampshire .84 .40 .54 .40
New Jersey .77 .54 .60 .36
New Mexico .65 .35 .50 .38
New York .73 .55 .61 .35
North Carolina .42 .20 .47 .20
North Dakota .75 . 25 .46 .25
Ohio .67 .38 .52 . 38
Oklahoma .56 .38 .41 . 30
Oregon .66 .41 . 62 .45
Pennsylvania .69 .51 .59 .36
Rhode Island .65 .64 .35
South Carolina .41 .09 .22 .11
South Dakota .45 .40 .20
Tennessee .39 . 18 .27 . 16
Texas .50 .30 .40 . 29
Utah .75 .43 .65 .43
Vermont .48 .33
165
TABLE VIII Continued; AVERAGE HOURLY WAGE - U.S. DEPARTMENT
OF AGRICULTURE - 1933
STATE FOREMEN TEAMSTERS SKILLED LABOR COMMON LABOR
Virginia .44 . 28 .41 .23
Washing ton .77 .51 .72 .49
West Virginia .49 .24 . 39 . 23
Wisconsin .60 .38 .52 .38
Wyoming .76 .42 . 56 .45
AVERAGES .54 . 28 .43 . 29
Source: J.S. Kirk, ed • / Emergency Relief in North Carolina,
(Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton Company, 1936), pp. 66-67.
TABLE IX
ZONE WAGES UNDER THE NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL RECOVERY ACT,
SECTION 204c
SOUTHERN ZONE; Skilled Labor $1.00, Unskilled Labor $.40
South Carolina
Georgia
Florida
Arkansas
Alabama
Mississppi
Louisiana
Arizona
Oklahoma
Texas
New Mexico
CENTRAL ZONE; Skilled Labor $1.10, Unskilled Labor $.45
Delaware
Maryland
Virginia
Tennessee
Colorado
Utah
California
North Carolina
West Virginia
Kentucky
Missouri
Kansas
Nevada
District of Columbia
167
TABLE IX Continued; ZONE WAGES UNDER THE N.I.R.A
SECTION 204c
NORTHERN ZONE: Skilled Labor $1.20, Unskilled Labor $.50
Maine
New Hampshire
Vermont
Massachusetts
Rhode Island
Connecticut
New York
New Jersey
Indiana
Wisconsin
Minnesota
Nebraska
Wyoming
Oregon
South Dakota
Idaho
Pennsylvania
Ohio
Michigan
Illinois
Iowa
North Dakota
Montana
Washington
Source; J.S. Kirk , ed • f Emergency Relief in North Carolina,
(Raleigh; Edwards & Broughton Company, 1936), pp. 66-67.
TABLE X
PROJECT WAGE SCALE WOMEN'S DIVISION
STATE EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL WORKS
ADMINISTRATION
DECEMBER 1, 1933 thru MARCH 31, 1934
UNSKILLED HOURLY WAGES
Practical Nurses $ .30
Lunch Room Workers* .30
Seamstress* .30
Janitress* .30
Wood Cutters (men) .30
SKILLED
Visiting Housekeepers $ .35/.45
Cutters and Pattern Makers* .35
PROFESSIONAL
Nurse s $ .45
Dietitians .45
SUPERVISORY
Recreational Directors $ . 45/.50
Supervisor of Nurses .45/.50
Supervisor Sewing Rooms . 3 5/.4 0
OTHERS
Librarian $ .45
Senior Stenographer .45
Junior Stenographer .35
Bookkeeper .45
Indexing Clerk .40
Clerical* .30
Survey Canvassers .30
Library Assistants .30
Assistant Attendance Officers .35
Dispensing Government Commodities .45
*Denotes largest units employing women.
Source; J.S. Kirk, ed • 9 Emergency Relief in North Carolina
(Raleigh; Edwards & Broughton Company, 1936), 256-
265 .
TABLE XI
FEDERAL CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION
NUMBER OF PERSONS WORKING AND AMOUNT OF EARNINGS:
END OF C.W.A. FUNDED PROJECTS - MARCH 29, 1934
NUMBER OF AVERAGE
PERSONS WEEKLY TOTAL
STATE WORKING WAGES EARNINGS
Alabama 34,841 $11.21 $13,016,482
Arizona 7,868 15.30 3,632,582
Arkansas 24,296 10.93 9,216,107
California 90,847 14.07 33,764,966
Colorado 16,960 15.08 6,388,736
Connecticut 30,485 14.84 8,441,533
Delaware 2,688 11.43 478,399
Dist. of Columbia 11,000 N/A 3,679,811
Florida 1,500 N/A 12.909.222
Georg i a 31,827 10.47 12,229,717
Ida ho 12,055 13.70 4,623,391
Illinois 137,941 16.09 52,617,439
Indiana 61,722 12.62 21,467,462
Iowa 42,407 9.93 12,615,772
Kansas 30,955 9.66 11,009,314
Kentucky 32,705 7.81 9,006,432
Louisiana 24,855 9.51 10,924,800
Ma i ne 13,618 11.86 3,873,656
Maryland 24,095 13,58 6,994,360
Massachuse t ts 83,000 N/A 22.704.222
Michigan 106,212 13.48 33,050,753
Minnesota 40,229 14.92 17,537,848
Mississippi 23,000 N/A 7,078,930
Missouri 58,789 12.99 17,366,480
Montana 11,063 17.18 5,154,521
Nebraska 19,893 10.42 5,237,319
Nevada 2,243 17.44 1,088,948
New Hampshire 9,121 10.35 2,460,223
New Jersey 81,010 14.83 21,692,436
New Mexico 5,247 12.18 1,801,738
New York 293,331 15.03 75,198,203
North Carolina 34,266 8.87 10,234,768
North Dakota 1,863 11.46 4,817,990
Ohio 142,240 14.98 49,098,016
Oklahoma 53,446 9.75 13,954,194
Oregon 13,747 14.56 5,093,806
Pennsylvania 194,400 12.27 38,462,354
Rhode Island 12,222 13.12 3,534,317
South Carolina 25,127 8.57 7,863,773
170
TABLE XI Continued: C.W.A. EMPLOYEES AND AMOUNT OF EARNINGS
C.W.A. ENDING, MARCH 29, 1934
NUMBER OF AVERAGE
PERSONS WEEKLY TOTAL
STATE WORKING WAGES EARNINGS
South Dakota 850 N/A 6,657,506
Tennessee 32,979 10.31 10,730,586
Te xa s 90,856 10.77 29,700,843
Utah 9,792 13.03 4,119,161
Vermont 5,636 9.66 1,548,512
Virginia 31,140 10.65 8,907,426
Washington 32,215 14.47 11,174,689
Wisconsin 46,712 17.35 27,681,979
Wyoming 5,870 20.59 2,129,961
TOTALS 2,133,054 13.20* $693,285,030
*Denotes Average
Source: Works Project Administration, "F.E.R.A. Civil Works
Administration States General", Record Group 69, Box
74, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
TABLE XII
FEDERAL CIVIL WORKS ADMINISTRATION:
NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT OFFICES AND AMOUNT OF WEEKLY EARNINGS
PER STATE ENDING C.W.A. PROJECTS
NUMBER OF WEEKLY
STATE OFFICES WAGES
Alabama 3 $ 422,315
Arizona 14 126,751
Arkansas 4 265,566
California 21 1,302,439
Colorado 8 256,433
Connecticut N/A 452,749
Delaware 3 30,736
Dist. of Columbia 1 155,650
Florida 30 19,500
Georgia 3 333,228
Idaho 24 189.629
Illinois N/A 2,275,400
Indiana 25 826,278
Iowa 82 438,196
Kansas 23 318,590
Ken tucky N/A 253,619
Louisiana 10 242,035
Maine 8 168, 186
Maryland 8 345,714
Massachusetts 4 1,178,600
Michigan 3 1,484,410
Minnesota 22 615,178
Mississippi 3 204,470
Missouri 47 788,478
Montana 11 210,322
Nebraska 93 208,726
Nevada 6 41,555
New Hampshire 8 96,579
New Jersey 1 1,226,698
New Mexico 30 65,411
New York 23 4,429,296
North Carolina 56 312,276
North Dakota 38 21,353
Ohio 18 2,241,210
Oklahoma N/A 557,388
Oregon 11 210,088
Pennsylvania N/A 2,411,000
Rhode Island 4 160,423
South Carolina 44 216,862
South Dakota 66 10,200
Tennessee 14 340.630
172
TABLE XII Continued; C.W.A. EMPLOYEES AMOUNT OF WEEKLY
EARNINGS END OF C.W.A. PROJECTS
NUMBER OF WEEKLY
STATE OFFICES WAGES
Texas 30 1,011,716
Utah 8 139,082
Ve rmont 3 55,070
Virginia 11 334,200
Washington 9 499,512
West Virginia 7 366,209
Wisconsin 22 835,736
Wyoming 20 133,983
TOTALS $28,829,675
Source; Works Project Administration, "F.E.R.A. Civil Works
Administration State Series", Record Group 69, Box 33,
National Archives, Washington, D.C.
TABLE XIII
DURATION OF PLACEMENTS MADE BY THE NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT
SERVICE AND STATE EMPLOYMENT SERVICES;
JULY 1, 1933 TO JUNE 30, 1934 BY MONTHS
(EXCLUDING PLACEMENT ON C.W.A. PROJECTS)
YEAR/MONTH REGULAR TEMPORARY TOTAL
1933
July 15,351 18,674 34,025
August 21,043 25,750 46,793
September 67,806 48,157 115,963
October 134,144 64,764 198,908
November 145,205 69,618 214,823
December 182,223 64,833 247,056
1934
January 159,650 70,123 229,773
February 129,084 65,580 191,664
March 195,993 72,983 268,976
April 290,153 108,101 398,254
May 318,511 140,860 459,371
June 281,195 140,797 421,992
TOTAL 1,940,358 877,240 2,827,598
Source: Work of the United Employment Service," Monthly Labor
Review, October 1934, vol. 39, 850.
TABLE XIV
PLACEMENTS IN PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT
JULY 1, 1933 TO JUNE 30, 1934 BY THE NATIONAL REEMPLOYMENT
SERVICE AND BY STATE EMPLOYMENT OFFICES;
BY INDUSTRIAL GROUPS
% PLACEMENTS TO
INDUSTRY STATE N.R.S. TO TOTAL
GROUP PLACEMENTS PLCEMENTS TOTAL APPLICATIONS
Agriculture 41,578 183,847 225,425 6.5
BuiIding 33,976 223,798 257,774 10.1
Manufacturing 67,191 130,968 198,159 7.9
Domestic 200,697 84,244 284,921 34.1
Trade 31,658 33,438 65,096 8.5
Professional 18,955 38,763 57,718 6.8
Other* 99,004 117,776 216,780
*Other includes transportation and public utilities.
Source; "Work of the United States Employment Service,"
Monthly Labor Review, October 1934, vol. 39, 851.
TABLE XV
NORTH CAROLINA STATE HIGHWAY DEPARTMENT
EXPENDITURES FOR ROADWAY PROJECTS FROM JANUARY 1, 1933 UP TO
AND INCLUDING THE LETTING OF DECEMBER 29, 1936
COUNTY EXPENDITURES
Alamance $292,172.89
A1leghany 366,417.26
Anson 217,739.42
Ave ry 196.646.48
Ashe 173.182.83
Beaufort 190,635.01
Be r t i e 341.910.54
Brunswick 4,009.47
Buncombe 586,122.88
Burke 342,854.65
Cabarrus 442,068.87
Caldwell 50,658.80
Caldwell/Watauga 16,370,78
Camden 312.188.95
Carteret 162,497.68
Caswell 179.753.14
Catawba 389,698.92
Chatham 89,532.11
Cherokee 497,986.57
Chowan 9,897.60
Cleveland 432.176.55
Columbus 251,292.22
Craven 135,222.17
Cumberland 223.237.82
Currituck 136,876.19
Dare 142.873.15
Davidson 478,029.38
Davie 85.307.88
Duplin 408.433.96
Durham 279,789.62
Edgecombe 345.948.53
Franklin 185.498.84
Forsyt h 310,553.75
Gaston 21.944.88
Graham 176,051.44
Gates 246,828.05
Granville 313,768.44
Greene 89.592.88
Guilford 423.503.54
Halifax 434.230.48
Harnett 146.889.83
Haywood $437,763.22
Hende rson 41,963.45
176
TABLE XV Continued: NORTH CAROLINA STATE HIGHWAY DEPARTMENT
EXPENDITURES: JANUARY 1, 1933
TO DECEMBER 29, 1936
COUNTY EXPENDITURES
Hert ford 275,234.90
Hoke 0
Hyde 326.996.80
Iredell 168.744.32
Jackson 206,857.67
Johnston 263,237.65
Jone s 45,363.94
Lee 256.875.33
Lenoir 178,404.45
Lincoln 196.622.71
Macon 362,915.54
Madison 169,144.23
Martin 108,085.01
McDowel1 438,778.91
Mecklenburg 523.621.78
Mitchell 11,314.38
Montgomery 154,282,89
Moore 52,198.22
Nash 461.772.71
New Hanover 66,673.81
Northampton 425.248.80
Onslow 371.529.85
Orange 95,228.01
Pamlico 143,527.08
Pasquotank 174.624.38
Pende r 165,298.43
Pe rquimans 216.361.70
Person 247,538.21
Polk 113,630.95
Pitt 246.225.85
Randolph 218,594.19
Richmond 389.835.78
Robe son 377,861.88
Rockingham 470.495.56
Rowan 306.920.85
Rutherford 131.544.70
Sampson 162.737.56
Scotland 56,058.52
Stanly 316,156.08
Stokes 128,004.87
Surry 220,052.80
Swain 640,049.17
Transylvania 393,838.29
Tyrrell 67,873.80
Un ion 131,787.50
Vance 141,598.60
Wake 678.354.39
177
TABLE XV Continued: NORTH CAROLINA STATE HIGHWAY
EXPENDITURES: JANUARY 1, 1933 TO
DECEMBER 29, 1934
COUNTY EXPENDITURES
Warren 273,728.60
Washington 12,378.60
Watauga 47,401.35
Wayne 197,198.32
Wilkes 534,125.85
Wilson 262,947.91
Yadkin 144,815.24
Yancey 20,896.90
TOTAL $23,606,635.67
Source: North Carolina, Eleventh Biennial Report of the
State Highway and Public Works Commission,
1935-1936, 49-59.
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